演講MP3+雙語文稿:多元化思想是改變世界的革命性力量

聽力課堂TED音頻欄目主要包括TED演講的音頻MP3及中英雙語文稿，供各位英語愛好者學習使用。本文主要內(nèi)容為演講MP3+雙語文稿:多元化思想是改變世界的革命性力量，希望你會喜歡！

【演講者及介紹】Elif Shafak

Elif Shafak明確地挑戰(zhàn)了定義——她的作品融合了東方與西方、女權(quán)主義與傳統(tǒng)、地方與全球、蘇菲主義與理性主義，創(chuàng)造了當今文學中最獨特的聲音之一。

【演講主題】不同思想的革命力量

The revolutionary power of diverse thought

【中英文字幕】

翻譯者chunhua zhang 校對者Wilde Luo

00:01

"Can you taste words?"

“你能品嘗詞語的味道嗎？”

00:03

It was a question that caught me by surprise. This summer, I was giving a talk at a literary festival, and afterwards, as I was signing books, a teenage girl came with her friend, and this is what she asked me. I told her that some people experience an overlap in their senses so that they could hear colors or see sounds, and many writers were fascinated by this subject, myself included. But she cut me off, a bit impatiently, and said, "Yeah, I know all of that. It's called synesthesia. We learned it at school. But my mom is reading your book, and she says there's lots of food and ingredients and a long dinner scene in it. She gets hungry at every page. So I was thinking, how come you don't get hungry when you write? And I thought maybe, maybe you could taste words. Does it make sense?"

這是一個讓我措手不及的問題 這個夏天，我在一個文學盛會上演講 之后在簽售我的書時 一個小女孩和她的朋友走了過來 問了我上述的問題 我告訴她有些人體會到感觀上的重疊 所以他們能聽到顏色 或看到聲音 而很多作家也為此癡迷，也包括我自己 但是她有點不耐煩地打斷了我，并說到：“是的，我都知道。這叫做聯(lián)覺，我們在學校學過。但是我媽媽正在讀你的書，她說書上有很多食物和佐料，以及一個長長的晚餐場景。每一頁都看得她很饑餓。所以我在想，你在寫作的時候怎么會不餓呢？ 我想也許，也許你可以品嘗這些詞語。有道理嗎？“

00:58

And, actually, it did make sense, because ever since my childhood, each letter in the alphabet has a different color, and colors bring me flavors. So for instance, the color purple is quite pungent, almost perfumed, and any words that I associate with purple taste the same way, such as "sunset" -- a very spicy word. But I was worried that if I tell all of this to the teenager, it might sound either too abstract or perhaps too weird, and there wasn't enough time anyhow, because people were waiting in the queue, so it suddenly felt like what I was trying to convey was more complicated and detailed than what the circumstances allowed me to say. And I did what I usually do in similar situations: I stammered, I shut down, and I stopped talking. I stopped talking because the truth was complicated, even though I knew, deep within, that one should never, ever remain silent for fear of complexity.

事實上，它是合理的，因為從我小的時候 字母表上的每個字母都有不同的顏色 而這些顏色帶給我味道 例如，紫色是很辛辣濃郁的，幾乎香氣逼人 任何能讓我聯(lián)想到紫色的詞語 都是相同的味道 就像 ”日落“ ——一個非常辛辣的詞語 但是我擔心如果我將 這些都說給這個女孩聽 就會顯得要么太抽象了 或者要么太奇怪了 而且當時也沒有太多時間 因為人們還在排隊等候 所以突然間覺得，我想嘗試去表達的東西 要比這個環(huán)境允許我能說的 要更加復(fù)雜和詳細 于是我就像往常一樣 我結(jié)巴起來了，然后閉嘴停止談?wù)?我停止談?wù)撌且驗槭聦嵦珡?fù)雜了 即使我深深地知道 人們永不應(yīng)該因為它太復(fù)雜了而感到 害怕，繼而保持沉默

02:12

So I want to start my talk today with the answer that I was not able to give on that day. Yes, I can taste words -- sometimes, that is, not always, and happy words have a different flavor than sad words. I like to explore: What does the word "creativity" taste like, or "equality," "love," "revolution?"

所以今天，我想用在那天 我沒能作出的回答 作為今天的演講的引子 是的，我能品嘗詞語—— 有時能，有時不能 快樂的詞語跟悲傷的詞語味道不同 我喜歡去探索：“創(chuàng)造力”這個詞是什么味道 又或者 “平等” “愛”、“革命” 呢？

02:35

And what about "motherland?" These days, it's particularly this last word that troubles me. It leaves a sweet taste on my tongue, like cinnamon, a bit of rose water and golden apples. But underneath, there's a sharp tang, like nettles and dandelion. The taste of my motherland, Turkey, is a mixture of sweet and bitter.

以及 “祖國” 呢？ 這些日子，這最后一個詞語尤其困擾著我 它在我的舌頭上留下了甘甜 就像是肉桂、一點玫瑰水 和金蘋果 但是在深處，又有一種強烈的味道 像是蕁麻和薄公英 我的祖國，土耳其的味道 是混合著甜和苦的

03:03

And the reason why I'm telling you this is because I think there's more and more people all around the world today who have similarly mixed emotions about the lands they come from. We love our native countries, yeah? How can we not? We feel attached to the people, the culture, the land, the food. And yet at the same time, we feel increasingly frustrated by its politics and politicians, sometimes to the point of despair or hurt or anger.

我之所以告訴你們這些，是因為我想今天這個世界上 有越來越多的人 對他們的故土 懷有這種相似的混合情感 我們熱愛自己的祖國，對吧？ 我們怎能不愛？ 我們感覺自己與這里的人民、 文化、土地和食物緊密相連 然而與此同時 我們對這里的政治和政客感到越來越失望 有時甚至感到絕望、受傷和憤怒

03:36

I want to talk about emotions and the need to boost our emotional intelligence. I think it's a pity that mainstream political theory pays very little attention to emotions. Oftentimes, analysts and experts are so busy with data and metrics that they seem to forget those things in life that are difficult to measure and perhaps impossible to cluster under statistical models. But I think this is a mistake, for two main reasons. Firstly, because we are emotional beings. As human beings, I think we all are like that. But secondly, and this is new, we have entered a new stage in world history in which collective sentiments guide and misguide politics more than ever before. And through social media and social networking, these sentiments are further amplified, polarized, and they travel around the world quite fast. Ours is the age of anxiety, anger, distrust, resentment and, I think, lots of fear. But here's the thing: even though there's plenty of research about economic factors, there's relatively few studies about emotional factors.

我想談?wù)勄楦?，以及提升我們的情商的必要?我感到很遺憾的是 主流的政治理論甚少關(guān)注情感 通常，分析師和專家都忙于關(guān)注 數(shù)據(jù)和度量指標 以至于似乎忘了，有些東西 是很難被測量的 并且也許不可能用統(tǒng)計學模型來歸類 我認為有兩個主要的原由 可以說明這是錯誤的 首先，我們是富有情感的動物 作為人類，我想我們都是如此 第二點，是一個新觀點 我們已經(jīng)進入一個歷史新階段 在這其中，眾人的意見和觀點比起以往 任何時候都能左右政治 通過社交媒體和社交網(wǎng)絡(luò) 這些觀點被進一步地放大 被極端化，并且被快速傳播到各地 我們還生活在一個 焦慮、憤怒、懷疑、怨恨 以及我認為的，充滿恐懼的時代 但是事情是這樣的： 雖然已經(jīng)有很多關(guān)于經(jīng)濟要素的研究 但是關(guān)于情感要素的研究還是少之又少

05:00

Why is it that we underestimate feelings and perceptions? I think it's going to be one of our biggest intellectual challenges, because our political systems are replete with emotions. In country after country, we have seen illiberal politicians exploiting these emotions. And yet within the academia and among the intelligentsia, we are yet to take emotions seriously. I think we should. And just like we should focus on economic inequality worldwide, we need to pay more attention to emotional and cognitive gaps worldwide and how to bridge these gaps, because they do matter.

我們?yōu)槭裁磿凸狼楦泻驼J知呢？ 我想這將成為我們最大的智力挑戰(zhàn)之一 因為我們的政治制度里面充滿了情感 在一個又一個的國家里 我們看到偏執(zhí)的政客們利用這些情感 但是在學術(shù)界和知識界 我們還沒有很認真地對待情感 我覺得我們應(yīng)該認真對待 正如我們應(yīng)當關(guān)注全球性的 經(jīng)濟不平等一樣 我們需要更加關(guān)注全球性的 情感和認知鴻溝 并且想想如何消除這些鴻溝 因為它們的確重要

05:45

Years ago, when I was still living in Istanbul, an American scholar working on women writers in the Middle East came to see me. And at some point in our exchange, she said, "I understand why you're a feminist, because, you know, you live in Turkey." And I said to her, "I don't understand why you're not a feminist, because, you know, you live in America."

幾年前，當我還住在伊斯坦布爾的時候 一個研究中東女性作家的美國學者 跑過來拜訪我 然后在我們交流中的某一刻，她說，“我明白你為什么是一個女權(quán)主義者，因為，很顯然的，你生活在土耳其?！?然后我對她說 “我不明白你為什么不是一個女權(quán)主義者，因為，也很顯然，你生活在美國?！?/p>

06:08

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

06:10

(Applause) And she laughed. She took it as a joke, and the moment passed.

（掌聲） 然后她笑了 她將它當成了一個笑話 就一笑而過了

06:19

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

06:21

But the way she had divided the world into two imaginary camps, into two opposite camps -- it bothered me and it stayed with me. According to this imaginary map, some parts of the world were liquid countries. They were like choppy waters not yet settled. Some other parts of the world, namely the West, were solid, safe and stable. So it was the liquid lands that needed feminism and activism and human rights, and those of us who were unfortunate enough to come from such places had to keep struggling for these most essential values. But there was hope. Since history moved forward, even the most unsteady lands would someday catch up. And meanwhile, the citizens of solid lands could take comfort in the progress of history and in the triumph of the liberal order. They could support the struggles of other people elsewhere, but they themselves did not have to struggle for the basics of democracy anymore, because they were beyond that stage.

但是她那種將世界分成兩個假想的陣營 兩個對立的陣營的方式—— 困擾了我并一直留在我的腦海 根據(jù)這張假想的地圖 這個世界上某些部分都是 “液態(tài)” 的國家 它們就像波浪起伏的水面，還沒有平靜下來 而這個世界的其它部分，也就是西方國家 它們是固態(tài)、安全和穩(wěn)定的 所以這液態(tài)的土地上需要女權(quán)主義 行動主義和人權(quán)，而我們這些來自這些地方的 人們，非常不幸地 需要繼續(xù)為這些基本價值觀去斗爭 但是希望仍在 既然歷史是向前發(fā)展的，即使是最不穩(wěn)定的土地 也總有一天會變牢固 同時，固態(tài)的土地上的公民 也可以在歷史的前進和 自由秩序的勝利中得到安慰 他們可以支持其他地方的人們的斗爭 但他們自己已經(jīng)不需要再去 為基本的民主為斗爭了 因為他們已經(jīng)越過那個階段了

07:34

I think in the year 2016, this hierarchical geography was shattered to pieces. Our world no longer follows this dualistic pattern in the scholar's mind, if it ever did. Now we know that history does not necessarily move forward. Sometimes it draws circles, even slides backwards, and that generations can make the same mistakes that their great-grandfathers had made. And now we know that there's no such thing as solid countries versus liquid countries. In fact, we are all living in liquid times, just like the late Zygmunt Bauman told us. And Bauman had another definition for our age. He used to say we are all going to be walking on moving sands.

我想，在 2016 年 這種劃分地域等級的觀點已經(jīng)破碎 我們的世界不再遵循這種 存在于這個學者腦海中的二元模式了 現(xiàn)在我們知道歷史未必就是前進的 有時它會原地打轉(zhuǎn) 甚至倒退 一代又一代的人們都可能犯下 他們祖先曾經(jīng)犯過的錯誤 現(xiàn)在我們知道，并沒有所謂的 固態(tài)國家和與之相對的液態(tài)國家 事實上，我們都生活在液態(tài)的時代 就像已故的齊格蒙特 · 鮑曼 告訴我們的那樣 而鮑曼對我們的時代有另外一個定義 他曾經(jīng)說過我們都將行走在流沙上

08:28

And if that's the case, I think, it should concern us women more than men, because when societies slide backwards into authoritarianism, nationalism or religious fanaticism, women have much more to lose. That is why this needs to be a vital moment, not only for global activism, but in my opinion, for global sisterhood as well.

如果真是這樣的話，我想 它對我們女人的影響要大于男人 因為當社會倒退到威權(quán)主義 民族主義或宗教狂熱主義時 女人失去的要更多 這也就是，為什么現(xiàn)在是一個關(guān)鍵時刻，不僅僅是對全球的行動主義而言 而且在我看來，對全球的婦女團體也是如此

08:52

(Applause)

（掌聲）

09:00

But I want to make a little confession before I go any further. Until recently, whenever I took part in an international conference or festival, I would be usually one of the more depressed speakers.

但是我想在進一步闡述之前先坦白一點： 直到最近，每當參加國際會議或慶?；顒?通常我都是比較沮喪的發(fā)言者之一

09:13

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

09:14

Having seen how our dreams of democracy and how our dreams of coexistence were crushed in Turkey, both gradually but also with a bewildering speed, over the years I've felt quite demoralized. And at these festivals there would be some other gloomy writers, and they would come from places such as Egypt, Nigeria, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Philippines, China, Venezuela, Russia. And we would smile at each other in sympathy, this camaraderie of the doomed.

眼看著我們的民主夢和共存夢如何逐步地、 以一種令人困惑的速度在土耳其破碎 這些年來我感到非常的灰心喪氣 在這些慶?；顒永镆策€有 其他的一些沮喪的作家 他們可能來自埃及、尼日利亞、巴基斯坦、 孟加拉國、菲律賓、中國、委內(nèi)瑞拉、俄羅斯 我們會出于同情而互相微笑 這種 “同是天涯淪落人” 之感

09:48

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

09:51

And you could call us WADWIC: Worried and Depressed Writers International Club.

你可以叫我們 WADWIC： “擔心和憂慮的國際性作家俱樂部” 的縮寫

09:57

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

09:59

But then things began to change, and suddenly our club became more popular, and we started to have new members. I remember --

然后事情開始轉(zhuǎn)變 突然間我們的俱樂部變得越來越流行了 我們開始擁有新成員了 我記得——

10:09

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

10:11

I remember Greek writers and poets joined first, came on board. And then writers from Hungary and Poland, and then, interestingly, writers from Austria, the Netherlands, France, and then writers from the UK, where I live and where I call my home, and then writers from the USA. Suddenly, there were more of us feeling worried about the fate of our nations and the future of the world. And maybe there were more of us now feeling like strangers in our own motherlands.

我記得希臘作家和詩人最先加入進來 然后是來自匈牙利和波蘭的作家 再之后，有趣的是，奧地利、荷蘭和法國的作家也來了 然后英國的作家加入了； 我在那生活，并稱之為家 再就是來自美國的作家 突然間，我們中有越來越多的人 為我們國家的命運 和世界的未來感到擔憂 也許我們中有越來越多的人 身在自己的祖國 卻覺得自己像是陌生人

10:48

And then this bizarre thing happened. Those of us who used to be very depressed for a long time, we started to feel less depressed, whereas the newcomers, they were so not used to feeling this way that they were now even more depressed.

然后很古怪的事情發(fā)生了 我們當中那些曾經(jīng)憂慮了很長時間的人 開始感到?jīng)]那么憂慮了 然而這些新成員，他們對這種感受十分不適應(yīng) 現(xiàn)在甚至變得更加憂慮了

11:02

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

11:04

So you could see writers from Bangladesh or Turkey or Egypt trying to console their colleagues from Brexit Britain or from post-election USA.

所以你可以看到來自 孟加拉國、土耳其或埃及的作家 在試著安慰他們那些來自 脫歐后的英國或大選后的美國的同行

11:16

(Laughter)

（笑聲）

11:19

But joking aside, I think our world is full of unprecedented challenges, and this comes with an emotional backlash, because in the face of high-speed change, many people wish to slow down, and when there's too much unfamiliarity, people long for the familiar. And when things get too confusing, many people crave simplicity. This is a very dangerous crossroads, because it's exactly where the demagogue enters into the picture.

但是笑話歸笑話，我想我們的世界正充滿著前所未有的挑戰(zhàn) 而且伴隨著強烈的情感碰撞 因為在面對高速的變革時 很多人希望能夠放慢腳步 當面對太多的陌生事物時 人們會渴望熟悉的事物 但事情變得太復(fù)雜而令人困惑時 很多人渴求簡單 這是一個很危險的十字路口 因為這正是蠱惑民心的政客 粉墨登場的地方

11:51

The demagogue understands how collective sentiments work and how he -- it's usually a he -- can benefit from them. He tells us that we all belong in our tribes, and he tells us that we will be safer if we are surrounded by sameness. Demagogues come in all sizes and in all shapes. This could be the eccentric leader of a marginal political party somewhere in Europe, or an Islamist extremist imam preaching dogma and hatred, or it could be a white supremacist Nazi-admiring orator somewhere else. All these figures, at first glance -- they seem disconnected. But I think they feed each other, and they need each other.

這些政客知道民意是如何起作用的 并且他——通常是男性—— 如何能從中獲利 他會跟我們說：大家都屬于同一個部落 還勸誘道：如果我們周圍 都是跟我們一樣的人，我們就會更安全 蠱惑人心的政客們形態(tài)、外表各異 他可能是歐洲某個地方 一個小政黨的古怪的領(lǐng)導人 或者是一個宣揚教條和 仇恨的極端伊斯蘭教阿訇 又或者是一個崇拜納粹的 白人至上主義者演說家 所有這些人，乍看之下—— 似乎沒有什么聯(lián)系 但是我想他們是互為依靠的 他們彼此需要

12:38

And all around the world, when we look at how demagogues talk and how they inspire movements, I think they have one unmistakable quality in common: they strongly, strongly dislike plurality. They cannot deal with multiplicity. Adorno used to say, "Intolerance of ambiguity is the sign of an authoritarian personality." But I ask myself: What if that same sign, that same intolerance of ambiguity -- what if it's the mark of our times, of the age we're living in? Because wherever I look, I see nuances withering away. On TV shows, we have one anti-something speaker situated against a pro-something speaker. Yeah? It's good ratings. It's even better if they shout at each other. Even in academia, where our intellect is supposed to be nourished, you see one atheist scholar competing with a firmly theist scholar, but it's not a real intellectual exchange, because it's a clash between two certainties.

在全世界來看 當我們觀察這些政客如何 交談和鼓勵那些運動時 我想他們都有一個明顯的特征： 他們非常非常地厭惡多元化 他們不能處理好多樣性問題 阿多諾曾經(jīng)說過，“對歧義的不包容是專制型人格的標志?！?但是我問自己： 如果這樣的標志，這樣的對歧義的不包容性—— 它也同樣是我們所生活的 這個時代的標志怎么辦？ 因為我看到不管是在哪里，細微的差別都在漸漸消失 在電視節(jié)目里，我們會看到 反對某事的與擁護此事的發(fā)言者 會被安排到對立位置 對吧？而且收視率還不錯 如果他們沖著彼此大叫那就更好了 即便是在學術(shù)界，這個我們獲取 智慧滋養(yǎng)的地方 你可以看到無神論學者跟 堅定的有神論學者較勁，但是這不是真正的學術(shù)交流 因為這是兩種 “必然” 之間的沖突

13:52

I think binary oppositions are everywhere. So slowly and systematically, we are being denied the right to be complex. Istanbul, Berlin, Nice, Paris, Brussels, Dhaka, Baghdad, Barcelona: we have seen one horrible terror attack after another. And when you express your sorrow, and when you react against the cruelty, you get all kinds of reactions, messages on social media. But one of them is quite disturbing, only because it's so widespread. They say, "Why do you feel sorry for them? Why do you feel sorry for them? Why don't you feel sorry for civilians in Yemen or civilians in Syria?"

我想二元對立是無處不在的 所以慢慢地、成體系地 我們失去了包容復(fù)雜性、多樣性的權(quán)利 從伊斯坦布爾、柏林、尼斯、巴黎、布魯塞爾 達卡、巴格達、巴塞羅那等國家： 我們看到了一次又一次的恐怖襲擊 當你表達悲傷、反抗這種殘暴時 你會得在社交媒體上 看到各種反應(yīng)和信息 其中的一個反應(yīng)很令人不安： 因為它如此普遍 他們說，“為什么你會為他們感到難過？ 為什么你會為他們感到難過？ 為什么你不為也門或者 敘利亞的民眾感到難過？”

14:39

And I think the people who write such messages do not understand that we can feel sorry for and stand in solidarity with victims of terrorism and violence in the Middle East, in Europe, in Asia, in America, wherever, everywhere, equally and simultaneously. They don't seem to understand that we don't have to pick one pain and one place over all others. But I think this is what tribalism does to us. It shrinks our minds, for sure, but it also shrinks our hearts, to such an extent that we become numb to the suffering of other people.

我想，寫下這種信息的人 他不明白 我們會為所有的恐怖主義和暴力活動的 受害者感到難過并堅定地站在他們一邊 不管他們是來自中東、歐洲、 亞洲還是美洲，都平等相待 他們似乎不明白為什么 我們不去挑選出哪一項痛苦 或者哪一個難區(qū)最為慘烈 但是我想這就是部落主義對我們的影響 它將我們的思想和靈魂萎縮到一定的程度，使我們對其他人的痛苦變得麻木

15:21

And the sad truth is, we weren't always like this. I had a children's book out in Turkey, and when the book was published, I did lots of events. I went to many primary schools, which gave me a chance to observe younger kids in Turkey. And it was always amazing to see how much empathy, imagination and chutzpah they have. These children are much more inclined to become global citizens than nationalists at that age. And it's wonderful to see, when you ask them, so many of them want to be poets and writers, and girls are just as confident as boys, if not even more.

一個悲傷的事實是，我們以前不總是這樣的 我在土耳其出版過一本少兒讀物 當這本書出版后，我舉行了很多活動 我走訪很多小學 這也就給了我一個觀察 土耳其的小孩子的機會 我總是很吃驚于他們表現(xiàn)出來的 同情心、想像力和敢作敢為 比起成為民族主義者，這些孩子 在那時更傾向成為世界公民 很奇妙的是，如果問他們的志向 他們中的很多人都回答說 想要成為詩人和作家 并且女孩子也像男孩子一樣的自信，甚至信心更足

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