移民改變國際大都市面貌

Global migration means millions of people are starting new lives in cities far removed from the places they were born, where they will help to shape the urban fabric of the communities around them.

跨國移民意味著數(shù)以百萬計的人將在遠(yuǎn)離他們出生地的城市開始新生活，在新的天地里，他們將影響和改變自己周圍社區(qū)的城市肌理。

Despite accusations from some that all cities are becoming alike, these newer citizens are carving out identities distinct from both their ethnic origins and those of the longer-standing inhabitants around them.

雖然有人批評稱，所有城市的面目正變得越來越千篇一律，但這些新來者正在創(chuàng)造出新的身份認(rèn)同——既不同于他們自身的種族血統(tǒng)，也不同于他們身邊那些老居民。

For example, when Annika Marlen Hinze conducted a study of families of Turkish origin in Berlin, she found they identified themselves as neither Germans nor Turks, but as Berliners or even as residents of a particular neighbourhood. “One woman told me: ‘I’m telling my son he’s both Turkish and German, but I also tell him he’s a Kreuzberger,’?” says Ms Hinze, assistant professor of political science at Fordham University in New York.

例如，當(dāng)安妮卡•馬倫•欣策(Annika Marlen Hinze)在開展一項有關(guān)生活在柏林的土耳其裔家庭的研究時，她發(fā)現(xiàn)這一群體既沒有把自己看作是德國人，也不認(rèn)為自己是土耳其人，他們自詡為柏林人，甚至某個特定社區(qū)的人。“一個女人告訴我：‘我對兒子說，他既是土耳其人，也是德國人，但我同時也告訴他，他是十字山(Kreuzberger)人，’”欣策說道。她是紐約福德姆大學(xué)(Fordham University)的政治學(xué)助理教授。

Kreuzberg and Neukölln are two areas of the German capital that have shaped their inhabitants of Turkish origin, who themselves have contributed to Berlin’s landscape after they started to come as guest workers in the 1960s.

作為柏林的兩個區(qū)域，十字山和諾伊科恩(Neukölln)深刻影響了在那里生活的土耳其裔居民。這些居民也已成為柏林城市面貌的一部分，最初他們是在二十世紀(jì)六十年代作為外來工人來到柏林的。

The experience of these migrants in establishing mosques and kebab shops near the Berlin Wall may be particular to them, but one in five of all migrants live in the world’s 20 largest urban centres, the International Organization for Migration says. In 2015, fresh waves of migrants, including Syrian refugees, brought the effect of mass migration on urban centres to wider public attention.

對于這些移民自己而言，在靠近柏林墻的地方建起清真寺以及開設(shè)土耳其烤肉店的經(jīng)歷或許是特殊的，但據(jù)國際移民組織(International Organization for Migration)指出，每5個移民中就有1個生活在全球前20大中心城市。2015年的新一輪移民潮，包括來自敘利亞的難民潮，使大規(guī)模移民涌入對于中心城市的影響受到了更廣泛的公眾關(guān)注。

Christopher Choa, director for cities and urban development at Aecom, a design and engineering consultancy, says trade and migration shape the built environment: “The DNA of the city is baked, in physical terms, into the pre-existing forms of the streets, but the cities are adapted by new [groups] and by the services [they] prefer.”

建筑設(shè)計與工程顧問公司艾奕康(Aecom)的城市與城市開發(fā)業(yè)務(wù)主管克利斯托弗•喬(Christopher Choa)表示，貿(mào)易和移民改變已經(jīng)建成的環(huán)境。他說：“城市的DNA以實體形態(tài)體現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)存在的街道中，但城市會被新的居民群體以及他們所偏好的服務(wù)所改變。”

This creates a dilemma for planners, who may either want to preserve a city’s traditional shape or swing in the direction of creating spaces designed for more recent arrivals.

這讓城市規(guī)劃者陷入了兩難處境，規(guī)劃者要么努力保存一座城市的傳統(tǒng)形態(tài)，要么努力打造為新來者設(shè)計的空間。

“There’s usually a strong traditional theme that runs through the populations in all these cities,” says Mr Choa. “They are seeking to protect the urban qualities that make the cities unique in the first place, the architectural patrimony.

喬指出：“在所有這些城市，通常都有一個深入影響市民群體的強(qiáng)有力的傳統(tǒng)主題。他們試圖保護(hù)那些最初讓一座城市獨一無二的城市特色——老建筑。”

“But if cities cannot absorb new waves of immigration you can end up with a kind of marginalisation or ghettoisation. You miss out on those positive mutations of the landscape.”

“但如果城市無法吸收新涌入的移民潮，最終可能出現(xiàn)某種形式的少數(shù)族群化或者隔都化(ghettoisation)。你將錯失那些能給城市面貌帶來積極改變的機(jī)會。”

On their most obvious level, such battles may be fought over the buildings of minority religions, such as mosques in Germany and elsewhere in Europe.

在最顯眼的層面上，這種斗爭或?qū)@少數(shù)族裔的宗教建筑展開，例如在德國或者歐洲其他地區(qū)修建的清真寺。

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These arguments are not confined to the western world. Protests against the opening of Starbucks in Beijing’s Forbidden City and a McDonald’s restaurant in a historic villa in the Chinese city of Hangzhou carried similar symbolic weight. Arguments also centre on new housing as populations swell. In London, traditionally a low-rise city, residents are fighting proposals for the construction of about 318 residential towers despite a severe housing shortage, and in Hong Kong a long controversy rages over the potential use of country park land to build homes.

上述爭議并不僅限于西方世界。針對開在北京紫禁城內(nèi)的星巴克(Starbucks)以及開在杭州市一處古跡內(nèi)的麥當(dāng)勞(McDonald's)餐廳的抗議活動，也有同樣重大的象征意義。隨著城市人口的膨脹，新建住宅也成了爭議的焦點。在倫敦這座傳統(tǒng)上以低層建筑為主的城市，市民們努力反抗修建約318棟高層住宅樓的提案——盡管目前倫敦面臨嚴(yán)重的住宅短缺。而在香港，是否能將郊野公園土地用于興建住宅的問題，長期以來一直存在激烈爭議。

In Paris, the preservation of its historic centre resulted in a ring of suburbs or banlieues, where many families of migrant origin live in poverty. In San Francisco a similar decision to retain the historic waterfront has resulted in a housing squeeze as the technology industry attracts newcomers.

在巴黎，對歷史性城市中心區(qū)的保護(hù)導(dǎo)致形成了環(huán)狀的郊區(qū)地帶，很多移民出身的家庭在這些地方過著貧困的生活。舊金山也出臺了一個類似的決定，保護(hù)歷史悠久的濱海區(qū)。隨著舊金山科技產(chǎn)業(yè)吸引新的人口遷入，這個決定導(dǎo)致了該地住房供給高度緊張。

But some cultural fusions have been in less tense. While Asian migrants have created Chinatowns around the world, China’s big trading centres have taken inspiration from the west. “Shanghai now looks much more like an American or European city than a Chinese city,” says Aecom’s Mr Choa. He thinks global cities are becoming more similar to one another, which he sees as a positive development enabling the exchange of “ideas, younger populations, the next generation of wealth creators”.

但某些文化融合的過程則沒有那么劍拔弩張。亞洲移民在世界各地創(chuàng)建了許多個中國城，中國最大的貿(mào)易中心城市上海卻借鑒了來自西方的靈感。艾奕康的喬表示：“上海如今看起來更像是一個美國或者歐洲的城市，而非一個中國城市。” 他認(rèn)為國際大都市正變得越來越相似，并把這看成是一種積極的發(fā)展趨勢， 有助于“觀念的交流、年輕人群以及下一代財富創(chuàng)造者”的流動。

But sociologist Saskia Sassen takes the opposing view of this phenomenon, calling it a “monster . . . coughing out tall towers everywhere . . . killing the people’s houses and small shops and little streets and squares”, with the result that “everywhere became nowhere”.

但社會學(xué)家薩斯基亞•薩森(Saskia Sassen)對這一現(xiàn)象持相反觀點，稱其為一個“怪物……到處吐出高樓大廈……扼殺了人們的房子、小商店、小街道以及廣場”，導(dǎo)致了“每個地方都變得哪兒也不是”的結(jié)果。

It may be such tensions are just inherent in cities subject to mass migration, but there is no evident uniformity in Berlin’s Turkish districts.

或許這樣的緊張局面是面臨大規(guī)模移民涌入的城市無法避免的，但柏林的土耳其街區(qū)并沒有表現(xiàn)出明顯的趨同性。

Indeed, residents of Kreuzberg and Neukölln have strongly different and separate identities. Kreuzberg has a strong history of protest while Neukölln is known for its strong integration policies for migrants.

正相反，十字山和諾伊科恩的居民有著截然不同且非常獨立的身份認(rèn)同。十字山區(qū)有著深厚的抗議傳統(tǒng)，而諾伊科恩則以強(qiáng)有力的移民融合政策而聞名。

Meanwhile, second-generation Turkish-German children have begun travelling the other way, migrating to Istanbul to discover their roots and exploit their command of both languages, says Ms Hinze. One example is the Turkish-German architect Cem Arat, who has designed a stadium for Istanbul’s Galatasaray football club.

欣策指出，第二代土耳其裔德國人現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)開始了反向流動，遷回伊斯坦布爾以尋找他們的根，并充分利用他們掌握的兩門語言。其中的一位代表人物是土耳其裔德國建筑師杰姆•阿拉特(Cem Arat)，他為伊斯坦布爾的加拉塔薩雷(Galatasaray)足球俱樂部設(shè)計了一座體育場。

However, Ms Hinze says many of these second-generation migrants, often the children of working-class parents from rural Turkey, find themselves once again feeling like outsiders when they reach Istanbul.

但欣策表示，這些第二代移民中的很多人——他們的父母通常是來自土耳其鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)的勞動階層——在來到伊斯坦布爾后會再次感到自己是個外鄉(xiāng)人。

“A lot of them were curious to see this interesting, bustling metropolis,” she says. “But they tell me: “We feel really different.”

欣策說：“他們中有很多人非常想要了解這座有趣、繁華的大都市。但他們告訴我：‘我感覺自己格格不入。’”