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《考研英語(yǔ)閱讀理解100篇 基礎(chǔ)版》第6章 教育類(lèi) Unit 73

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2019年01月19日

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Both the House and the Senate have recently passed bills to reform student lending,and observers think a final bill may land on the president's desk in a month.Democrats have always been critical of federal interest-rate subsidies to private lenders,which is how student loans are organised.They are spurred on by scandal—many lenders like Student Loan Xpress have been caught handing illegal kickbacks to college aid officials—and by the fact that a private-equity consortium,led by J.C.Flowers,is in the process of buying out Sallie Mae,the largest student lender. This has put a spotlight on the fat margins of the $85 billion-a-year student-loan industry,where Sallie Mae's five-year average return on equity was an astonishing 52% per year. 
At present the federal government subsidises student loans in two ways.First,the government lends through the William D.Ford direct loan programme,which competes with private lenders and has about a quarter of the student-loan market.Second,private lenders get subsidies that allow them to lower the interest rates they charge students.In the past,lenders have successfully resisted proposed reductions to their subsidies of as little as ten basis points by threatening to leave the market.Now the bills are proposing to reduce subsidies by 50-55 basis points. 
The principal terms of both bills are sensible.They increase the maximum“Pell Grant” for low-income students from $4,050 currently to $5,400 by 2011.The funding comes by cutting about $18 billion-19 billion in lender subsidies over five years.Next,graduates’ loan repayments are capped at a manageable percentage of income and all debt is cancelled after 25 years of repayment.Finally,the bills provide more loan forgiveness for graduates who enter public-service careers,including police,firefighters,nurses and inner-city teachers.Taken together,these are the biggest changes since the student-loan system was created,in 1965,as part of Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programmes. 
The biggest risk in cutting the interest-rate subsidies is that banks may leave student lending en masse,or that smaller lenders may be forced out of the market.This would mean few choices for students and possibly a large number of borrowers swamping the government programme.“Congress still wants lending to be profitable,just not too profitable,” says Ajita Talwalker of TICAS,a non-partisan institute that studies the accessibility and affordability of higher education.This may prove a tough balancing act,since no one knows what the right number is. 
Critics still find the bills defective.Higher-education costs have risen much faster than inflation or aid increases,so students have been paying more out-of-pocket and taking more private loans.Yet both bills do little to tackle the rise in tuition costs.Richard Vedder of Ohio University points out that productivity is a major problem; professors in many schools have a weekly teaching workload that is a third lighter than 40 years ago,but their pay and benefits have increased.All sides agree there needs to be more transparency in costs and an element of price competition.As far as the bills at hand are concerned,many experts are calling for the House to drop its entitlement programmes,which make certain spending mandatory,and to direct the money to the Pell Grants. 
注(1):本文選自Economist; 
注(2):本文習(xí)題命題模仿對(duì)象為2001年真題Text 2和Text 4第4題(本習(xí)題第5題)。 
1.The expression“land on the president's desk” (Line 2,Paragraph 1)means that _______. 
A) something flies to or drops on the president's desk 
B) something is put on the president's desk for decoration 
C) something is sent for the president's approval 
D) something is presented to the president as a gift 
2.Cutting the interest-rate subsidies is risky because _______. 
A) it might leave students few choices to borrow money 
B) it might lead to a huge loss for banks and private lenders 
C) it might make government programmes less profitable 
D) it might damage the whole student-loan system 
3.The writer mentioned the“50-55 basis points” at the end of the 2nd paragraph to show that _______. 
A) government will support their own programmes rather than private lenders 
B) the government is unwilling to subsidize private lenders 
C) private lenders fail to lobby the congressmen 
D) the Congress is determined to make some big changes 
4.It can be indicated from the last paragraph that ______. 
A) the increase of high-education cost is mainly due to inflation in recent years 
B) the bill is believed by some people to be unpromising since it does not grasp the key problem 
C) the rising tuition cost is solely caused by the decreasing productivity of university professors 
D) more competition will be soon introduced into the market of students’ loan thanks to the bill 
5.Toward the issue of student lending and high-education costs,the attitude of many experts seems to be _______. 
A) indifferent 
B) unsatisfactory 
C) objective 
D) biased 

最近眾、參兩院都通過(guò)了改革學(xué)生貸款的法案。觀察家們認(rèn)為不出一個(gè)月,最后的法案就可能送到總統(tǒng)的辦公桌上以待審批。學(xué)生貸款是通過(guò)聯(lián)邦政府在利率上補(bǔ)貼私營(yíng)貸款者而實(shí)現(xiàn)的,而民主黨對(duì)此政策一向持批評(píng)態(tài)度。最近,在學(xué)生貸款問(wèn)題上曝光的丑聞使他們感到震驚:許多學(xué)生貸款提供方諸如Xpress利用回扣傭金賄賂大學(xué)貸款辦負(fù)責(zé)人;此外,以弗勞爾斯為首的私募基金財(cái)團(tuán)正在收購(gòu)美國(guó)最大的學(xué)生貸款公司Sallie Mae。這使得每年利潤(rùn)高達(dá)850億美元的學(xué)生貸款行業(yè)暴露在聚光燈下,僅Sallie Mae公司五年中的資本回報(bào)率平均每年高達(dá)52%。 
目前,聯(lián)邦政府通過(guò)兩種方式對(duì)學(xué)生貸款進(jìn)行補(bǔ)貼。其一是由政府實(shí)行威廉·D·福特直接貸款計(jì)劃,該計(jì)劃在與私營(yíng)貸款機(jī)構(gòu)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中占有四分之一的學(xué)生貸款市場(chǎng)。其二是對(duì)私營(yíng)貸款機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行補(bǔ)貼,從而使他們降低學(xué)生貸款的利率。過(guò)去曾經(jīng)有提案要求對(duì)貸款機(jī)構(gòu)的補(bǔ)貼幅度降低10個(gè)基點(diǎn)的利率,但貸款方以撤離市場(chǎng)為要挾抵制了該提案?,F(xiàn)在,新提案則要求減少50至55個(gè)基點(diǎn)的補(bǔ)貼。 
兩份提案的主要條款都十分合乎情理。這些條款指出為貧困學(xué)生設(shè)立的“助學(xué)金”現(xiàn)在的上限從4050美元提高到2011年的5400美元。這筆資金將來(lái)源于今后五年間通過(guò)減少貸款機(jī)構(gòu)的補(bǔ)貼節(jié)省出的約180~190億美元。其次,研究生貸款的分期還款必須為其收入的一個(gè)合理比例,并且所有債務(wù)在分期償還25年之后將全部取消。最后,該提案為選擇從事公共服務(wù)事業(yè)的畢業(yè)生提供更多的貸款寬免,這些職業(yè)包括警察、消防人員、護(hù)士和貧民區(qū)的教師??傮w來(lái)說(shuō),自從1965年總統(tǒng)林登·約翰遜在其“偉大社會(huì)”施政綱領(lǐng)中提出學(xué)生貸款計(jì)劃以來(lái),這是該計(jì)劃經(jīng)歷的最大規(guī)模的變革。 
削減利率補(bǔ)貼的最大風(fēng)險(xiǎn)在于銀行可能會(huì)集體撤離市場(chǎng),或小規(guī)模貸方被擠出市場(chǎng)。這意味著學(xué)生的貸款選擇范圍變得更小,而大量借貸者將深陷政府計(jì)劃之中。TICAS是一所專(zhuān)門(mén)研究高等教育的普及和費(fèi)用承受能力的無(wú)黨派機(jī)構(gòu),其政策研究員味田·塔沃克認(rèn)為“國(guó)會(huì)仍然希望貸款能夠有利可圖,只是不得獲得暴利”。他的話也說(shuō)明了國(guó)會(huì)這一法案將很難找到平衡點(diǎn),因?yàn)闆](méi)人知道究竟多少才是適當(dāng)?shù)睦麧?rùn)。 
評(píng)論家仍然能在提案中找到一些缺陷。高等教育費(fèi)用的上漲速度遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)通貨膨脹及學(xué)生補(bǔ)助的增長(zhǎng),因此學(xué)生不得不支付額外費(fèi)用并增加私人貸款。但兩份提案幾乎都沒(méi)有涉及學(xué)費(fèi)上漲的問(wèn)題。俄亥俄大學(xué)的理查·維得認(rèn)為主要問(wèn)題是教學(xué)效率不足:許多大學(xué)的教授每周教學(xué)任務(wù)比40年前少了三分之一,而他們的薪水和福利卻提高了。各方在增加教育成本透明度和價(jià)格競(jìng)爭(zhēng)因素問(wèn)題上意見(jiàn)一致。就現(xiàn)有的這些提案來(lái)說(shuō),許多專(zhuān)家要求國(guó)會(huì)去掉其中一些指定性的費(fèi)用支出,把省下來(lái)的資金投入到貧困生助學(xué)金中去。 
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