馬丁路德金英語(yǔ)演講稿：Where do we go from here

Martin Luther King Speech - Where do we go from here

Now, in order to answer the question, "Where do we go from here?" which is our theme, we must first honestly recognize where we are now. When the Constitution was written, a strange formula to determine taxes and representation declared that the Negro was 60 percent of a person. Today another curious formula seems to declare he is 50 percent of a person. Of the good things in life, the Negro has approximately one half those of whites. Of the bad things of life, he has twice those of whites. Thus half of all Negroes live in substandard housing. And Negroes have half the income of whites. When we view the negative experiences of life, the Negro has a double share. There are twice as many unemployed. The rate of infant mortality among Negroes is double that of whites and there are twice as many Negroes dying in Vietnam as whites in proportion to their size in the population.

In other spheres, the figures are equally alarming. In elementary schools, Negroes lag one to three years behind whites, and their segregated schools receive substantially less money per student than the white schools. One twentieth as many Negroes as whites attend college. Of employed Negroes, 75 percent hold menial jobs.

This is where we are. Where do we go from here? First, we must massively assert our dignity and worth. We must stand up amidst a system that still oppresses us and develop an unassailable and majestic sense of values. We must no longer be ashamed of being black. The job of arousing manhood within a people that have been taught for so many centuries that they are nobody is not easy.

Depiction of Blackness and Negro Contributions

Even semantics have conspired to make that which is black seem ugly and degrading. In Roget's Thesaurus there are 120 synonyms for blackness and at least 60 of them are offensive, as for example, blot, soot, grim, devil and foul. And there are some 134 synonyms for whiteness and all are favorable, expressed in such words as purity, cleanliness, chastity and innocence. A white lie is better than a black lie. The most degenerate member of a family is a "black sheep." Ossie Davis has suggested that maybe the English language should be reconstructed so that teachers will not be forced to teach the Negro child 60 ways to despise himself, and thereby perpetuate his false sense of inferiority, and the white child 134 ways to adore himself, and thereby perpetuate his false sense of superiority.

The tendency to ignore the Negro's contribution to American life and to strip him of his personhood, is as old as the earliest history hooks and as contemporary as the morning's newspaper. To upset this cultural homicide, the Negro must rise up with an affirmation of his own Olympian manhood. Any movement for the Negro's freedom that overlooks this necessity is only waiting to be buried. As long as the mind is enslaved, the body can never be free. Psychological freedom, a firm sense of self-esteem, is the most powerful weapon against the long night of physical slavery. No Lincolnian Emancipation Proclamation or Johnsonian Civil Rights Bill can totally bring this kind of freedom. The Negro will only be free when he reaches down to the inner depths of his own being and signs with the pen and ink of assertive manhood his own Emancipation Proclamation. And, with a spirit straining toward true self-esteem, the Negro must boldly throw off the manacles of self-abnegation and say to himself and to the world, "I am somebody. I am a person. I am a man with dignity and honor. I have a rich and noble history. How painful and exploited that history has been. Yes, I was a slave through my fore parents and I am not ashamed of that. I'm ashamed of the people who were so sinful to make me a slave." Yes, we must stand up and say, "I'm black and I'm beautiful," and this self-affirmation is the black man's need, made compelling by the white man's crimes against him.

Basic Challenges

Another basic challenge is to discover how to organize our strength in terms of economic and political power. No one can deny that the Negro is in dire need of this kind of legitimate power. Indeed, one of the great problems that the Negro confronts is his lack of power. From old plantations of the South to newer ghettos of the North, the Negro has been confined to a life of voicelessness and powerlessness. Stripped of the right to make decisions concerning his life and destiny he has been subject to the authoritarian and sometimes whimsical decisions of this white power structure. The plantation and ghetto were created by those who had power. both to confine those who had no power and to perpetuate their powerlessness. The problem of transforming the ghetto, therefore, is a problem of power-confrontation of the forces of power demanding change and the forces of power dedicated to the preserving of the status quo. Now power properly understood is nothing but the ability to achieve purpose. It is the strength required to bring about social, political and economic change. Walter Reuther defined power one day. He said, "Power is the ability of a labor union like the U.A.W. to make the most powerful corporation in the world, General Motors, say 'Yes' when it wants to say 'No.' That's power."

Now a lot of us are preachers, and all of us have our moral convictions and concerns, and so often have problems with power. There is nothing wrong with power if power is used correctly. You see, what happened is that some of our philosophers got off base. And one of the great problems of history is that the concepts of love and power have usually been contrasted as opposites - polar opposites??so that love is identified with a resignation of power, and power with a denial of love.

It was this misinterpretation that caused Nietzsche, who was a philosopher of the will to power, to reject the Christian concept of love. It was this same misinterpretation which induced Christian theologians to reject the Nietzschean philosophy of the will to power in the name of the Christian idea of love. Now, we've got to get this thing right. What is needed is a realization that power without love is reckless and abusive, and love without power is sentimental and anemic. Power at its best is love implementing the demands of justice, and justice at its best is power correcting everything that stands against love. And this is what we must see as we move on. What has happened is that we have had it wrong and confused in our own country, and this has led Negro Americans in the past to seek their goals through power devoid of love and conscience.

This is leading a few extremists today to advocate for Negroes the same destructive and conscienceless power that they have justly abhorred in whites. It is precisely this collision of immoral power with powerless morality which constitutes the major crisis of our times.

Developing a Program?

We must develop a program that will drive the nation to a guaranteed annual income. Now, early in this century this proposal would have been greeted with ridicule and denunciation, as destructive of initiative and responsibility. At that time economic status was considered the measure of the individual's ability and talents. And, in the thinking of that day, the absence of worldly goods indicated a want of industrious habits and moral fiber. We've come a long way in our understanding of human motivation and of the blind operation of our economic system. Now we realize that dislocations in the market operations of our economy and the prevalence of discrimination thrust people into idleness and bind them in constant or frequent unemployment against their will. Today the poor are less often dismissed, I hope, from our consciences by being branded as inferior or incompetent. We also know that no matter how dynamically the economy develops and expands, it does not eliminate all poverty.

The problem indicates that our emphasis must be twofold. We must create full employment or we must create incomes. People must be made consumers by one method or the other. Once they are placed in this position we need to be concerned that the potential of the individual is not wasted. New forms of work that enhance the social good will have to be devised for those for whom traditional jobs are not available. In I879 Henry George anticipated this state of affairs when he wrote in Progress and Poverty:

The fact is that the work which improves the condition of mankind, the work which extends knowledge and increases power and enriches literature and elevates thought, is not done to secure a living. It is not the work of slaves driven to their tasks either by the task, by the taskmaster, or by anirnal (sic) necessity. It is the work of men who somehow find a form of work that brings a security for its own sake and a state of society where want is abolished.

Work of this sort could be enormously increased, and we are likely to find that the problems of housing and education, instead of preceding the elimination of poverty, will themselves be affected if poverty is first abolished. The poor transformed into purchasers will do a great deal on their own to alter housing decay. Negroes who have a double disability will have a greater effect on discrimination when they have the additional weapon of cash to use in their struggle.

Beyond these advantages, a host of positive psychological changes inevitably will result from widespread economic security. The dignity of the individual will flourish when the decisions concerning his life are in his own hands, when he has the means to seek self-improvement. Personal conflicts among husbands, wives and children will diminish when the unjust measurement of human worth on the scale of dollars is eliminated .

Now our country can do this. John Kenneth Galbraith said that a guaranteed annual income could be done for about twenty billion dollars a year. And I say to you today, that if our nation can spend thirty-five billion dollars a year to fight an unjust, evil war in Vietnam, and twenty billion dollars to put a man on the moon, it can spend billions of dollars to put God's children on their own two feet right here on earth.

Commitment To Nonviolence

Now, let me say briefly that we must reaffirm our commitment to nonviolence. I want to stress this. The futility of violence in the struggle for racial justice has been tragically etched in all the recent Negro riots. Yesterday, I tried to analyze the riots and deal with their causes. Today I want to give the other side. There is certainly something painfully sad about a riot. One sees screaming youngsters and angry adults fighting hopelessly and aimlessly against impossible odds. And deep down within them, you can even see a desire for self-destruction, a kind of suicidal longing.

Occasionally Negroes contend that the 1965 Watts riot and the other riots in various cities represented effective civil rights action. But those who express this view always end up with stumbling words when asked what concrete gains have been won as a result. At best, the riots have produced a little additional antipoverty money allotted by frightened government officials, and a few water-sprinklers to cool the children of the ghettos. It is something like improving the food in the prison while the people remain securely incarcerated behind bars. Nowhere have the riots won any concrete improvement such as have the organized protest demonstrations. When one tries to pin down advocates of violence as to what acts would be effective, the answers are blatantly illogical. Sometimes they talk of overthrowing racist state and local governments and they talk about guerrilla warfare. They fail to see that no internal revolution has ever succeeded in overthrowing a government by violence unless the government had already lost the allegiance and effective control of its armed forces. Anyone in his right mind knows that this will not happen in the United States. In a violent racial situation, the power structure has the local police, the state troopers, the National Guard and, finally, the Army to call on??all of which are predominantly white. Furthermore, few if any violent revolutions have been successful unless the violent minority had the sympathy and support of the nonresistant majority. Castro may have had only a few Cubans actually fighting with him up in the hills, but he could never have overthrown the Batista regime unless he had the sympathy of the vast majority of Cuban people.

It is perfectly clear that a violent revolution on the part of American blacks would find no sympathy and support from the white population and very little from the majority of the Negroes themselves. This is no time for romantic illusions and empty philosophical debates about freedom. This is a time for action. What is needed is a strategy for change, a tactical program that will bring the Negro into the mainstream of American life as quickly as possible. So far, this has only been offered by the nonviolent movement. Without recognizing this we will end up with solutions that don't solve, answers that don't answer and explanations that don't explain.

And so I say to you today that I still stand by nonviolence. And I am still convinced that it is the most potent weapon available to the Negro in his struggle for justice in this country. And the other thing is that I am concerned about a better world. I'm concerned about justice. I'm concerned about brotherhood. I'm concerned about truth. And when one is concerned about these, he can never advocate violence. For through violence you may murder a murderer but you can't murder. Through violence you may murder a liar but you can't establish truth. Through violence you may murder a hater, but you can't murder hate. Darkness cannot put out darkness. Only light can do that.

And I say to you, I have also decided to stick to love. For I know that love is ultimately the only answer to mankind's problems. And I'm going to talk about it everywhere I go. I know it isn't popular to talk about it in some circles today. I'm not talking about emotional bosh when I talk about love, I'm talking about a strong, demanding love. And I have seen too much hate. I've seen too much hate on the faces of sheriffs in the South. I've seen hate on the faces of too many Klansmen and too many White Citizens Councilors in the South to want to hate myself, because every time I see it, I know that it does something to their faces and their personalities and I say to myself that hate is too great a burden to bear. I have decided to love. If you are seeking the highest good, I think you can find it through love. And the beautiful thing is that we are moving against wrong when we do it, because John was right, God is love. He who hates does not know God, but he who has love has the key that unlocks the door to the meaning of ultimate reality.

I want to say to you as I move to my conclusion, as we talk about "Where do we go from here," that we honestly face the fact that the Movement must address itself to the question of restructuring the whole of American society. There are forty million poor people here. And one day we must ask the question, "Why are there forty million poor people in America?" And when you begin to ask that question, you are raising questions about the economic system, about a broader distribution of wealth. When you ask that question, you begin to question the capitalistic economy. And I'm simply saying that more and more, we've got to begin to ask questions about the whole society. We are called upon to help the discouraged beggars in life's market place. But one day we must come to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. It means that questions must be raised. You see, my friends, when you deal with this, you begin to ask the question, "Who owns the oil?" You begin to ask the question, "Who owns the iron ore?" You begin to ask the question, "Why is it that people have to pay water bills in a world that is two thirds water?" These are questions that must be asked.

About Communism

Now, don't think that you have me in a "bind" today. I'm not talking about Communism.

What I'm saying to you this morning is that Communism forgets that life is individual. Capitalism forgets that life is social, and the Kingdom of Brotherhood is found neither in the thesis of Communism nor the antithesis of capitalism but in a higher synthesis. It is found in a higher synthesis that combines the truths of both. Now, when I say question the whole society, it means ultimately coming to see that the problem of racism, the problem of economic exploitation, and the problem of war are all tied together. These are the triple evils that are interrelated.

If you will let me be a preacher just a little bit - One night, a juror came to Jesus and he wanted to know what he could do to be saved. Jesus didn't get bogged down in the kind of isolated approach of what he shouldn't do. Jesus didn't say, "Now Nicodemus, you must stop lying." HE didn't say, "Nicodemus, you must stop cheating if you are doing that." He didn't say, "Nicodemus, you must not commit adultery." He didn't say, "Nicodemus, now you must stop drinking liquor if you are doing that excessively." He said something altogether different, because Jesus realized something basic - that if a man will lie, he will steal. And if a man will steal, he will kill. So instead of just getting bogged down in one thing, Jesus looked at him and said, "Nicodemus, you must be born again."

He said, in other words, "Your whole structure must be changed." A nation that will keep people in slavery for 244 years will "thingify" them - make them things. Therefore they will exploit them, and poor people generally, economically. And a nation that will exploit economically will have to have foreign investments and everything else, and will have to use its military might to protect them. All of these problems are tied together. What I am saying today is that we must go from this convention and say, "America, you must be born again!"

Conclusion

So, I conclude by saying again today that we have a task and let us go out with a "divine dissatisfaction." Let us be dissatisfied until America will no longer have a high blood pressure of creeds and an anemia of deeds. Let us be dissatisfied until the tragic walls that separate the outer city of wealth and comfort and the inner city of poverty and despair shall be crushed by the battering rams of the forces of justice. [,et us be dissatisfied until those that live on the outskirts of hope are brought into the metropolis of daily security. Let us be dissatisfied until slums are cast into the junk heaps of history, and every family is living in a decent sanitary home. Let us be dissatisfied until the dark yesterdays of segregated schools will be transformed into bright tomorrows of quality, integrated education. Let us be dissatisfied until integration is not seen as a problem but as an opportunity to participate in the beauty of diversity. Let us be dissatisfied until men and women, however black they may be, will be judged on the basis of the content of their character and not on the basis of the color of their skin. Let us be dissatisfied. Let us be dissatisfied until every state capitol houses a governor who will do justly, who will love mercy and who will walk humbly with his God. Let us be dissatisfied until from every city hall, justice will roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. Let us be dissatisfied until that day when the lion and the lamb shall lie down together. and every man will sit under his own vine and fig tree and none shall be afraid. Let us be dissatisfied. And men will recognize that out of one blood God made all men to dwell upon the face of the earth. Let us be dissatisfied until that day when nobody will shout "White Power!" - when nobody will shout "Black Power!" - but everybody will talk about God's power and human power.

I must confess, my friends, the road ahead will not always be smooth. There will still be rocky places of frustration and meandering points of bewilderment. There will be inevitable setbacks here and there. There will be those moments when the buoyancy of hope will be transformed into the fatigue of despair. Our dreams will sometimes be shattered and our ethereal hopes blasted. We may again with tear-drenched eyes have to stand before the bier of some courageous civil-rights worker whose life will be snuffed out by the dastardly acts of bloodthirsty mobs. Difficult and painful as it is, we must walk on in the days ahead with an audacious faith in the future. And as we continue our charted course, we may gain consolation in the words so nobly left by that great black bard who was also a great freedom fighter of yesterday, James Weldon Johnson:

Stony the road we trod,

Bitter the chastening rod

Felt in the days

When hope unborn had died.

Yet with a steady beat,

Have not our weary feet

Come to the place

For which our fathers sighed?

We have come over the way

That with tears hath been watered.

We have come treading our paths

Through the blood of the slaughtered,

Out from the gloomy past,

Till now we stand at last

Where the bright gleam

Of our bright star is cast.

Let this affirmation be our ringing cry. It will give us the courage to face the uncertainties of the future. It will give our tired feet new strength as we continue our forward stride toward the city of freedom. When our days become dreary with low hovering clouds of despair, and when our nights become darker than a thousand midnights, let us remember that there is a creative force in this universe, working to pull down the gigantic mountains of evil, a power that is able to make a way out of no way and transform dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows. Let us realize the arc of the moral universe is long but it bends toward justice.

Let us realize that William Cullen Bryant is right: "Truth crushed to earth will rise again." Let us go out realizing that the Bible is right: "Be not deceived, God is not mocked. Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap." This is our hope for the future, and with this faith we will be able to sing in some not too distant tomorrow with a cosmic past tense, "We have overcome, we have overcome, deep in my heart, I did believe we would overcome."

現(xiàn)在,為了回答這個(gè)問(wèn)題,“我們?cè)摵稳ズ螐哪?”是我們的主題,我們首先必須坦白承認(rèn)我們現(xiàn)在是在什么地方。當(dāng)美國(guó)憲法形成書(shū)面的文本時(shí),一個(gè)陌生的公式來(lái)決定稅收和表示宣布黑人是60%的人。另一個(gè)古怪的公式,今天似乎聲稱(chēng)自己是50%的人。在生命中的美好事物,黑人有大約一半的人。糟糕的事情,他的生活的那些白人兩次。因此一半的黑人居住環(huán)境不達(dá)標(biāo)。有一半的收入和黑人白人。當(dāng)我們的生活的負(fù)面經(jīng)驗(yàn),黑人有雙重的份額。有兩倍的失業(yè)。嬰兒死亡率的黑人和白人翻兩倍黑人和白人在越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中死去的大小比例的人口。

在其他領(lǐng)域,這個(gè)數(shù)字是同樣讓人擔(dān)憂。在小學(xué)里,黑人落后一到三年內(nèi),他們背后白人種族隔離的學(xué)校的每個(gè)學(xué)生充分地受到更少的錢(qián)比白人學(xué)校。一個(gè)黑人和白人二十多上大學(xué)。雇傭黑人,75%的卑微職位舉行。

這是我們的位置。我們?cè)摵稳ズ螐?首先,我們必須大量維護(hù)我們的尊嚴(yán)和價(jià)值。我們必須站起來(lái),在一個(gè)系統(tǒng),以及開(kāi)發(fā)一個(gè)壓迫我們?nèi)匀皇菬o(wú)懈可擊的宏偉的價(jià)值觀。我們必須不再羞愧的是黑色的。這項(xiàng)工作的人,在一個(gè)成年喚起已經(jīng)教了很多個(gè)世紀(jì),他們都沒(méi)人是不容易的。

描繪的黑暗和黑人的貢獻(xiàn)

即使語(yǔ)義學(xué)已造成那黑色的丑,可恥的。在?羅杰的同義詞典有120個(gè)同義詞為黑暗和至少60個(gè)都是進(jìn)攻,例如、玷污、煙塵、殘酷,魔鬼和犯規(guī)。還有一些134個(gè)同義詞和所有優(yōu)惠,白表達(dá)這樣的話純潔、清潔、貞潔、純真。一個(gè)善意的謊言比一只黑色的謊言。最墮落的成員的家庭是一個(gè)“害群之馬”。戴維斯奧西(奧斯曼的建議也許英語(yǔ)語(yǔ)言應(yīng)該重建讓老師不會(huì)強(qiáng)迫教黑人孩子如何輕視自己60,從而延續(xù)他的錯(cuò)誤的安全感,白色的孩子自卑的方式來(lái)崇拜自己134,從而延續(xù)他的假的優(yōu)越感。

這個(gè)傾向于忽視了黑人的美國(guó)人的生活,剝?nèi)ニ膽?zhàn)做人,是最早的歷史和現(xiàn)代如早晨的報(bào)紙。讓這個(gè)文化殺人,黑人要起來(lái)定一個(gè)肯定自己的奧林匹斯已經(jīng)成年。任何運(yùn)動(dòng)為黑人的自由,俯瞰這需要僅僅是等待。只要心被奴役,身體就會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)是免費(fèi)的。心理自由、嚴(yán)格意義的自尊,是最強(qiáng)大的武器攻擊的漫漫長(zhǎng)夜里,物理奴隸制。沒(méi)有Lincolnian解放宣言或Johnsonian民權(quán)法案完全可以把這樣的自由。黑人只能自由時(shí),他一直延伸到他的內(nèi)心深處的存在和符號(hào)與筆和墨水的成年的自信自己解放宣言。與精神緊張,并向真正的自尊,黑人必須勇敢地拋棄的鐐銬,自言自語(yǔ),貫通于對(duì)世界說(shuō)道:“我是大人物。我是一個(gè)人。我是一個(gè)人的尊嚴(yán)和尊重。我有一個(gè)富有和高貴的歷史。多么痛苦和剝削的歷史了。是的,我是個(gè)奴隸穿過(guò)我的父母和我不是涌現(xiàn)的羞恥。我很慚愧,肉體的人,所以讓我成為一個(gè)奴隸。”是的,我們必須站起來(lái),說(shuō),“我是黑色,我很漂亮,”這個(gè)自我的肯定是黑人的需要,使引人注目的白人的罪行起訴他。

基本的挑戰(zhàn),

另一個(gè)基本的挑戰(zhàn)是如何發(fā)現(xiàn)如何組織力量在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上的權(quán)力。沒(méi)有人能否認(rèn)黑人急需這種合法權(quán)力。事實(shí)上,有一位偉大的問(wèn)題是他的黑人面臨缺乏力量。從古老的南方種植的新猶太區(qū)的北方,黑人被困于生活的voicelessness和無(wú)力。剝奪權(quán)利決定他的生活和命運(yùn),他受到了獨(dú)裁的,有時(shí)是異想天開(kāi)的決策的白色的權(quán)力結(jié)構(gòu)。種植園和黑人區(qū)的是由那些曾power.都把那些沒(méi)有能力和延續(xù)他們的無(wú)力感。黑人區(qū)的問(wèn)題,因此,改變是一個(gè)問(wèn)題的power-confrontation勢(shì)力的權(quán)力要求改變力量的力量致力于保護(hù)的現(xiàn)狀?，F(xiàn)在電力正確理解無(wú)非是能達(dá)到目的。這是必須的力量帶來(lái)的社會(huì)、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)的變化。沃爾特魯瑟定義的權(quán)力的一天。他說(shuō),“權(quán)力的控制能力,如美國(guó)汽車(chē)業(yè)的工人工會(huì)使最強(qiáng)大的公司,是世界上最通用汽車(chē),說(shuō)“是”的時(shí)候就想說(shuō)"那是權(quán)力。”

現(xiàn)在很多人傳教士,和所有的人都有我們的道德信念和擔(dān)憂,所以經(jīng)常有問(wèn)題。有什么毛病是正確使用電力如果力量。你看,什么事情是我們的一些哲學(xué)家下車(chē)的基地。和最大的問(wèn)題之一是,歷史上的概念被愛(ài)和力量對(duì)比,如對(duì)立兩極oppositesNNso愛(ài)等同于一個(gè)辭職的力量,并與一個(gè)否定的愛(ài)。

正是這種誤解導(dǎo)致尼采,誰(shuí)是哲學(xué)家的權(quán)力意志,反對(duì)基督教觀念的愛(ài)。這是這個(gè)相同的誤解引起基督教神學(xué)家駁回Nietzschean哲學(xué)的權(quán)力意志之名基督徒愛(ài)的觀念?，F(xiàn)在,我們必須把這件事吧。我們需要的是一個(gè)沒(méi)有愛(ài)的力量是實(shí)現(xiàn)和虐待的,愛(ài)魯莽停電是感傷和貧血。最好是愛(ài)的力量執(zhí)行正義和公正的力量都是站在愛(ài)的修正。這是我們必須看到我們繼續(xù)前進(jìn)?，F(xiàn)在的情況是,我們已經(jīng)是錯(cuò)誤的和困惑在自己的家鄉(xiāng),這使得美國(guó)黑人在過(guò)去尋求他們的目標(biāo),通過(guò)電力缺乏愛(ài)的良心。

這是導(dǎo)致一些極端分子現(xiàn)在提倡黑人相同的破壞性力量,他們,沒(méi)有良心的獨(dú)有的厭惡。正是這種碰撞不道德的力量與無(wú)能為力的道德構(gòu)成了我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的重大危機(jī)。

開(kāi)發(fā)一個(gè)程序嗎?

我們必須制定一個(gè)計(jì)劃,將這個(gè)國(guó)家有保證的年收入。現(xiàn)在,早在這個(gè)世紀(jì)的這項(xiàng)提案將被報(bào)以嘲笑和譴責(zé),極具破壞性的主動(dòng)性和責(zé)任感。當(dāng)時(shí)的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況被認(rèn)為是衡量個(gè)人的能力和天賦。在思考,那一天,沒(méi)有世俗財(cái)物表示要勤勞的習(xí)慣和品格。我們經(jīng)歷了一段漫長(zhǎng)的路在我們理解人類(lèi)的動(dòng)機(jī)和盲目作業(yè)我國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)體制的?，F(xiàn)在我們意識(shí)到中國(guó)市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì),普遍存在的歧視推力人變成懶惰和綁在恒定或頻繁的失業(yè)率違背自己的意愿。今天的可憐的更少,我希望從我們的良心被冠名為劣質(zhì)或撤換。我們也知道,無(wú)論多么動(dòng)態(tài)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展和擴(kuò)大,它沒(méi)有消除所有的貧窮。

這個(gè)問(wèn)題必須指出,我們的重點(diǎn)因素。我們必須創(chuàng)造充分就業(yè)或必須創(chuàng)造收入。人們必須使消費(fèi)者或是其他的方法之一。一旦被放置在這個(gè)位置我們需要擔(dān)心這些潛在的個(gè)人不浪費(fèi)。新形式的工作,提高社會(huì)良好必須想出了那些為誰(shuí)傳統(tǒng)的工作。在I879亨利·喬治預(yù)期這種情況時(shí),他在進(jìn)步和貧窮。

事實(shí)是,這項(xiàng)工作的條件,提高人類(lèi)的工作,擴(kuò)展,增加力量和豐富的知識(shí),提高文學(xué)思想,不做安全的生活。這不是工作的奴隸驅(qū)使他們的任務(wù),在任務(wù)的嚴(yán)師,或由anirnal(sic)的必要性。這是男人的工作的一種工作,最終能帶來(lái)一個(gè)安全的地方,一個(gè)國(guó)家的社會(huì)是要廢除。

這樣的工作可能極大地增加了,我們會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)一些亟待解決的問(wèn)題,而是住房和教育,消除貧困之前要受貧窮,首先是如果廢除。窮人變成購(gòu)買(mǎi)者會(huì)大量依靠自己的力量去改變房屋腐爛。誰(shuí)有雙重殘疾黑人將有一個(gè)更大的影響時(shí),他們有額外歧視的現(xiàn)金使用的武器在他們的斗爭(zhēng)。

除了這些優(yōu)勢(shì),積極心理變化勢(shì)必引起廣泛的經(jīng)濟(jì)安全。個(gè)人要發(fā)旺的時(shí)候,關(guān)于他的人生決定是在他的手中,他已經(jīng)手段尋求自我完善。個(gè)人之間的矛盾,妻子和孩子的丈夫會(huì)削弱人體測(cè)量時(shí),不值得規(guī)模的美元是消除。

現(xiàn)在我們國(guó)家能做到這一點(diǎn)。約翰·肯尼斯·加爾布雷思說(shuō),保證可實(shí)現(xiàn)年銷(xiāo)售收入為大約20億美元。今天,我對(duì)你們說(shuō),我們要花350億美元一年,邪惡的不公平的戰(zhàn)斗在越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間,20億美元來(lái)把人送上月球,它可以花數(shù)十億美元來(lái)把上帝的孩子在他們自己的兩只腳就在這里。

致力于非暴力

現(xiàn)在,讓我說(shuō),我們必須重申我們簡(jiǎn)短承諾非暴力。我想強(qiáng)調(diào)這一點(diǎn)。這種毫無(wú)意義的暴力的種族平等的斗爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)在最近不幸蝕刻的黑人暴動(dòng)。昨天,我試圖分析的暴動(dòng)和處理它們的原因。今天我要給對(duì)方。的確有一些悲痛有關(guān)暴動(dòng)。有人看到青少年和成年人的尖叫,漫無(wú)目的的憤怒絕望地斗爭(zhēng)反對(duì)不可能的挑戰(zhàn)。和內(nèi)心深處,你甚至可以看到一個(gè)愿望,一種自我毀滅的自殺的渴望。

偶爾黑人認(rèn)為1965年的美國(guó)瓦茨暴亂和其它暴亂在各城市的代表了有效的公民權(quán)利行為。但是那些表達(dá)這種觀點(diǎn)總是最后的話,當(dāng)被問(wèn)到什么絆已經(jīng)贏得了混凝土所得的結(jié)果。充其量,暴亂產(chǎn)生一點(diǎn)額外的反政府官員被嚇壞了資金分配,幾water-sprinklers冷靜的貧民窟。這有點(diǎn)像提高食品在監(jiān)獄里的人保持安全而被關(guān)押在獄。沒(méi)有贏得任何具體的騷亂,改善組織的抗議活動(dòng),如有示威游行。當(dāng)一個(gè)試圖牽制倡導(dǎo)的暴力行為,什么是有效的,答案是符合邏輯的。有時(shí)他們推翻種族歧視的州和當(dāng)?shù)卣退麄冋動(dòng)螕魬?zhàn)。他們不知道:從來(lái)沒(méi)有內(nèi)在革命成功推翻政府通過(guò)暴力,除非政府已經(jīng)失去了效忠和有效的控制自己的武裝力量。任何人在他的心里知道這不會(huì)發(fā)生在美國(guó)。在一次猛烈的種族狀況、權(quán)力結(jié)構(gòu)有當(dāng)?shù)鼐靷惚?國(guó)民警衛(wèi)隊(duì),最后打電話給onNNall軍隊(duì)的主要是白色的。另外,一些如果任何暴力革命已經(jīng)成功,除非強(qiáng)暴的慰問(wèn)和支持少數(shù)研究的多數(shù)?？ㄋ固亓_可能只有幾古巴人實(shí)際上與他在群山之中,但是他絕對(duì)不會(huì)推翻巴蒂斯塔政權(quán)的,除非他有同情心的絕大多數(shù)的古巴人。

事實(shí)是,一個(gè)暴力革命的美國(guó)黑人會(huì)找不到的同情和支持,白色的人口的絕大多數(shù)的黑人。這是沒(méi)有時(shí)間為浪漫幻想和空的哲學(xué)辯論的自由。這是一個(gè)行動(dòng)的時(shí)候了。我們需要的是一個(gè)戰(zhàn)略戰(zhàn)術(shù)上的變化,這是一個(gè)程序,這將帶來(lái)了黑人進(jìn)入主流的美國(guó)人的生活,越快越好。到目前為止,這僅僅是由非暴力運(yùn)動(dòng)。沒(méi)有認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn),我們將會(huì)以解決方案,并沒(méi)有解決,答案,不要回答和解釋,不要解釋。

所以,今天我要對(duì)你們說(shuō),我還是站在非暴力。我仍然相信它是我見(jiàn)過(guò)的最有力的武器,可以在自己的奮斗的黑人正義。和其他的事情是,我很擔(dān)心一個(gè)更美好的世界。我很擔(dān)心正義。我很擔(dān)心手足情誼。我關(guān)心的真理。當(dāng)一個(gè)關(guān)心這些,他永遠(yuǎn)也不能崇尚暴力。你可以通過(guò)暴力的謀殺案兇手,但你不能殺人。你可以通過(guò)暴力謀殺說(shuō)謊的人,但是你不能建立的真理。你可以通過(guò)暴力謀殺了勁敵,但是你不能謀殺恨。黑暗無(wú)法熄滅的黑暗。只有光明能做這件事。

我又告訴你們,我也決定堅(jiān)持愛(ài)。因?yàn)槲抑缾?ài)是最終的唯一辦法是人類(lèi)的問(wèn)題。我打算去談?wù)撍鼰o(wú)處不在,我走了。我知道這不是流行的談?wù)撍?在某些場(chǎng)合。我不是在談?wù)撉楦胁ㄊ舱務(wù)搻?ài)情,我正在談?wù)摰氖且晃粡?qiáng)壯,要求的愛(ài)。我看到太多的仇恨。我看過(guò)太多仇恨的臉上行政長(zhǎng)官在南方。我看過(guò)討厭的臉上太多太多的白色的公民Klansmen和南方的比例要恨我自己,因?yàn)槲颐看慰匆?jiàn)它,我知道它確實(shí)一些他們的臉,使他們的個(gè)性和我對(duì)我自己說(shuō),恨是不能承受的負(fù)擔(dān)。我已經(jīng)決定去愛(ài)。如果你正在尋找最高的好,我認(rèn)為你能找到它。美麗的東西,就是我們正在攻擊錯(cuò)了,當(dāng)我們這樣做,因?yàn)榧s翰是正確的,神就是愛(ài)。他討厭的、就不認(rèn)識(shí)神,但他喜歡有一把鑰匙,打開(kāi)門(mén),終極實(shí)在的意義。

我想告訴你我搬到我的結(jié)論,當(dāng)我們談“我們?cè)摵稳ズ螐?“那我們誠(chéng)實(shí)的面對(duì)這個(gè)事實(shí)本身的動(dòng)作必須解決的問(wèn)題,整個(gè)美國(guó)社會(huì)的調(diào)整。有40億的窮人。有一天,我們必須問(wèn)這樣的問(wèn)題,“為什么有40億的窮人在美國(guó)嗎?”當(dāng)你開(kāi)始問(wèn)這樣的問(wèn)題,你應(yīng)該對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng),更廣泛的分配的財(cái)富。當(dāng)你問(wèn)這個(gè)問(wèn)題,你開(kāi)始質(zhì)疑的資本主義經(jīng)濟(jì)。我只是說(shuō),越來(lái)越多的時(shí)候,我們要開(kāi)始詢問(wèn)關(guān)于整個(gè)社會(huì)。我們都被召喚來(lái)幫助氣餒的乞丐,在生活的市場(chǎng)。但是有一天,我們必須看見(jiàn)一個(gè)大廈所產(chǎn)生的乞丐需要重組。這意味著問(wèn)題必須得到提高。你看,我的朋友,當(dāng)你處理這件事,你開(kāi)始問(wèn)這樣的問(wèn)題:“誰(shuí)擁有這些石油嗎?”你開(kāi)始問(wèn)這樣的問(wèn)題:“誰(shuí)擁有鐵礦嗎?”你開(kāi)始問(wèn)這樣的問(wèn)題,“為什么人們要付水費(fèi)漲價(jià),在這世界上三分之二水嗎?”這些問(wèn)題,必須問(wèn)。

關(guān)于共產(chǎn)主義,

現(xiàn)在,不要以為你有我在一個(gè)“綁”。我不是在談?wù)摴伯a(chǎn)主義。

我對(duì)你說(shuō)的是,今天早上忘了說(shuō)生命是個(gè)體的共產(chǎn)主義。資本主義社會(huì),忘記了一點(diǎn)生命王國(guó)的兄弟是既沒(méi)有發(fā)現(xiàn)在論文的共產(chǎn)主義和資本主義的對(duì)立面,但在一個(gè)更高的合成。它在一個(gè)更高的合成方法相結(jié)合的真理?，F(xiàn)在,當(dāng)我說(shuō)問(wèn)題整個(gè)社會(huì)來(lái)說(shuō),這意味著最終來(lái)看,問(wèn)題的種族歧視的問(wèn)題,實(shí)現(xiàn)經(jīng)濟(jì)開(kāi)發(fā)的問(wèn)題,和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)都是相連的。這些是三大罪惡,是相互聯(lián)系的。

如果你讓我成為一名牧師只是一點(diǎn)點(diǎn),一天晚上,一個(gè)陪審員來(lái)到耶穌那?堙a他想知道他可以做的。耶穌不拘泥于種孤立的方法。他不應(yīng)該做的。耶穌沒(méi)說(shuō),“現(xiàn)在,尼哥底母,你必須停止撒謊。”他沒(méi)說(shuō):“尼哥底母,你必須停止作弊,如果你是這樣做。”他沒(méi)說(shuō):“尼哥底母,你千萬(wàn)不要犯奸淫。”他沒(méi)說(shuō):“尼哥底母,你現(xiàn)在必須停下來(lái)喝白酒,如果你是這樣做。”他說(shuō)一些完全不同的東西,因?yàn)橐d意識(shí)到一些基本的--如果一個(gè)男人會(huì)說(shuō)謊,他會(huì)偷來(lái)的。如果一個(gè)男人要偷竊,他會(huì)宰了。所以,而不只是陷入困境的一件事,耶穌看著他,說(shuō):“尼哥底母,你必須重生。”

他說(shuō),換句話說(shuō),"你的整個(gè)結(jié)構(gòu)必須改變。”一個(gè)國(guó)家,這將使人們?cè)谂`制為244年將“thingify”--他們使他們的事情。因此,他們一定會(huì)利用他們,可憐的人一般,經(jīng)濟(jì)的方法。一個(gè)國(guó)家一定會(huì)利用和經(jīng)濟(jì)會(huì)有外國(guó)投資和其它的事情,而且要用其軍事力量來(lái)保護(hù)他們。所有的這些問(wèn)題都是相連的。我所說(shuō)的是,今天我們必須離開(kāi)本公約,然后說(shuō):“美國(guó),你必須重生!”

結(jié)論

所以,我得出這樣的結(jié)論:今天又說(shuō),我們有一個(gè)任務(wù),讓我們一起出去一個(gè)“神圣的不滿。”讓我們到美國(guó)的不滿將不再有高血壓的教條和貧血的行為。讓我們不滿意,直到悲慘的墻壁,獨(dú)立的外部城財(cái)富和安慰和內(nèi)在的城市貧困和絕望的必被撞城錘,正義的力量,等。[我們直到那些居住不滿于市郊的希望被帶到這個(gè)大都市的日常安全。讓我們不滿直到貧民窟是投進(jìn)的垃圾堆積的歷史,和每一個(gè)家庭是生活在一個(gè)像樣的衛(wèi)生回家。讓我們不滿意,直到黑昨日的男女分校也會(huì)變成光明的明天的質(zhì)量、綜合教育。讓我們不滿直到集成不是問(wèn)題,而是一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)來(lái)參加這個(gè)美麗的多樣性。讓我們不滿意的男人和女人,但直到黑人,也必怎樣被論斷;在此基礎(chǔ)上對(duì)他們的品格特征的基礎(chǔ)上,而不是他們的膚色。讓我們不滿意。讓我們不滿意直到每個(gè)州國(guó)會(huì)有誰(shuí)會(huì)做州長(zhǎng)、誰(shuí)將愛(ài)憐憫誰(shuí)、必悄悄跟他的神。讓我們從各城堂不滿直到,正義就如大水滾滾,使公義如江河滔滔。讓我們不滿直到那天獅子和羔羊必安然躺臥。和4人人都要坐在自己葡萄樹(shù)下和無(wú)花果樹(shù)下、無(wú)人害怕。讓我們不滿意。與人會(huì)認(rèn)出了血神造人,都住在地上。讓我們不滿直到那天,當(dāng)沒(méi)有人會(huì)喊“白色的力量!”--沒(méi)有人會(huì)喊“黑色力量!”--但是每個(gè)人都會(huì)談?wù)撋系鄣牧α亢腿祟?lèi)的權(quán)力。

我必須承認(rèn),我的朋友,前面的路不會(huì)一帆風(fēng)順。還會(huì)有巖石的地方,蜿蜒的挫折和困惑。將會(huì)有必然的挫折。將會(huì)有那時(shí)候的浮力希望將會(huì)變成了絕望的疲勞。我們的夢(mèng)想會(huì)在我心中永遠(yuǎn)都是。我們可以再次與tear-drenched眼睛要站立在棺材的勇敢的民權(quán)的工人將會(huì)扼殺生命的卑鄙的行為的怪物嗜血。困難和痛苦時(shí),我們必須走在未來(lái)的日子里與一個(gè)大膽的信心。當(dāng)我們繼續(xù)我們的路線,當(dāng)然,我們得安慰的話那么高尚,黑人詩(shī)人所留下的是自由斗士的昨天,詹姆斯?約翰遜。

我們走過(guò)的路,石,

苦錘煉之杖

在這個(gè)日子

出生的時(shí)候希望已經(jīng)去世了。

但以一個(gè)穩(wěn)定的節(jié)拍,

沒(méi)有我們歇歇腳

來(lái)到這個(gè)地方

對(duì)于我們列祖嘆了嗎?

我們已經(jīng)來(lái)了

那淚水已經(jīng)被澆水。

我們已經(jīng)踐踏我們的路

通過(guò)血液的屠殺,

從陰暗的過(guò)去,

到目前為止,我們就會(huì)站起來(lái)

在明亮的微光嗎

我們的明星。

讓這肯定是我們呼。它將給予我們勇氣去面對(duì)不確定性的未來(lái)。這將給我們的疲倦的雙腳新的力量,我們將繼續(xù)我們的前鋒向城市自由邁進(jìn)。當(dāng)我們的日子變得沉悶與低盤(pán)旋絕望的云,當(dāng)我們的夜晚變得更深一千人midnights,讓我們記住,這是一種創(chuàng)造性的力量在這個(gè)宇宙,拆掉了巨大的山脈中,這是邪惡力量能使之路和改造黑暗沒(méi)有光明的明天。昨日讓我們意識(shí)到的宇宙的道德是什么顏色?它是長(zhǎng)的,但是它對(duì)正義的彎曲。

讓我們意識(shí)到,威廉·卡倫·布賴(lài)恩特是正確的:“真擠土?xí)俣壬仙?rdquo;讓我們?nèi)フJ(rèn)識(shí)到《圣經(jīng)》是正確的:“不要自欺、神是輕慢不得的。是什么,收的也是什么。”這是我們對(duì)未來(lái)的希望,并帶著這樣的信念,我們將能夠在一些不太遙遠(yuǎn)的明天宇宙過(guò)去時(shí)態(tài),“我們已經(jīng)克服,我們克服了,在我內(nèi)心深處,我相信我們一定會(huì)克服的。”

演講背景：

馬丁·路德·金最有影響力且最為人知的一場(chǎng)演講是1963年8月28日的《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》，迫使美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)在1964年通過(guò)《民權(quán)法案》宣布種族隔離和種族歧視政策為非法政策。Where do we go from here是同時(shí)期的演講。