富蘭克林·羅斯福演講稿：四大自由（中英文）

 

富蘭克林·羅斯福演講稿：四大自由 The Four Freedoms

演講時間：1941年1月6日

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羅斯福演講稿：四大自由 (英文版)

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

羅斯福演講稿：四大自由 (中文版)

總統(tǒng)先生，議長先生，第七十七屆國會的成員：

我你的地址，這個新的國會議員，在聯(lián)盟的歷史上前所未有的時刻。我用“空前的”，因為以前沒有已被視為美國的安全受到嚴重威脅從沒有像今天。

由于永久性形成了我國政府在憲法中的1789，大部分在我國歷史上危機時期國內(nèi)事務有關(guān)的。而且，幸運的是，其中只有一個——國家之間的戰(zhàn)爭4年——威脅過我們的民族團結(jié)。今天，感謝上帝，130000000的美國人在48個國家已經(jīng)忘記了指南針在國家的統(tǒng)一。

這是真的，之前的1914美國經(jīng)常被其他大洲事件干擾。我們甚至已經(jīng)與歐洲國家進行過兩場戰(zhàn)爭，在西印度群島中一些未宣戰(zhàn)的戰(zhàn)爭，在地中海和太平洋，為維護美國的權(quán)利以及和平貿(mào)易的原則。但是沒有一個嚴重的威脅，提出了對我們國家的安全和持續(xù)的獨立性。

我想要說的是，美國作為一個國家已在所有時間保持反對黨——清楚歷史真相，明確反對——任何企圖把我們鎖在一個古老的中國墻的后面，而游行的文明到過去。今天，考慮到我們的孩子和他們的孩子，我們反對強制隔離，為自己或為美洲的其他任何部分。

我們的決心，在過去的這些年，被證明，例如，在早期的戰(zhàn)爭的四分之一世紀在法國革命之后。雖然拿破侖的斗爭，并威脅到了美國的利益，因為在西印度群島的法國的立足點，在路易斯安那，當我們從事1812戰(zhàn)爭來維護我們的和平貿(mào)易的權(quán)利，它仍然是明確的，無論是法國或英國或其他國家都不可能主宰整個世界。

和喜歡時尚，從1815到1914——九十九年——沒有一個單一的戰(zhàn)爭在歐洲或亞洲的一個真正的威脅，對我們未來的或與美國其他民族的未來構(gòu)成。

除了在墨西哥的馬西米蘭的插曲，沒有外國勢力試圖建立自己在這個半球。在大西洋的英國艦隊實力一直友好的力量;它仍然是一個友好的力量。

即使世界大戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)于1914，它似乎只包含小的危險，我們美國的未來。但隨著時間的推移，我們記得，美國人民開始想象什么民主國家的垮臺意味著我們自己的民主。

我們不必過分強調(diào)凡爾賽和約的缺陷。我們不需要強調(diào)民主的失敗來解決世界重建問題。我們應該記住，1919的和平比綏靖開始甚至在慕尼黑這種不公平的，而且這是正在進行的新的專制秩序，尋求遍布各大洲今天下。美國人民堅定不移地反對那種專制。

我想，每一個現(xiàn)實主義者都知道，民主的生活方式在這一刻被直接地在世界的每一個部分——攻擊或是武器或是秘密的那些試圖破壞團結(jié)，促進不和在仍處于和平的各國有毒的宣傳。在16個月的時間內(nèi)，這種攻擊已涂抹在獨立的國家數(shù)目驚人的民主生活的整體格局，大的和小的。這些攻擊者還在進軍，威脅其他國家，大的和小的。

因此，作為你們的總統(tǒng)，履行憲法賦予我的職責”給了聯(lián)盟國家的國會的信息，“我很不幸的是必要的報告，我們國家的未來和安全以及我們的民主制度是壓倒性的參與遠遠超出我們的邊境事件。

民主捍衛(wèi)著現(xiàn)在四大洲的人民正在勇敢。如果辯護失敗，所有的人口與歐洲和亞洲的所有資源，非洲及澳洲將被征服者。讓我們記住這四大洲的人口總數(shù)，總的人口和資源大大超過了人口的總和，西半球的整個資源——是的，很多次。

在這樣的時代是不成熟和不真實的————，順便說一句，任何人吹牛說一個還沒有準備好的美國，獨自用一只手綁在背后，可以控制整個世界。

任何現(xiàn)實的美國人都不能期望從一個獨裁者的和平國際慷慨，或恢復真正的獨立，或世界裁軍，或言論自由，或宗教信仰自由——甚至是良好的業(yè)務。這樣的和平將給我們或者我們的鄰國帶來不安全。那些愿意放棄基本自由來換取一點臨時安全的人不配享有自由和安全。

作為一個國家，我們可以在事實上，我們是仁慈的驕傲;但我們不能成為愚蠢。我們必須永遠警惕那些敲鑼打鼓宣傳“主義”的綏靖政策。我們必須特別小心那一小撮自私自利的人會夾美國鷹的翅膀為了中飽私囊。

我最近曾指出，現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭的節(jié)奏多快能把我們中間的物理攻擊，我們最終必須如果獨裁國家打贏這場戰(zhàn)爭的期望。

我們立即和直接浸潤的免疫多談松飄洋過海。顯然，只要英國海軍保留它的力量，這樣的危險是不存在的。即使沒有英國海軍，也沒有任何敵人會蠢到登陸部隊在美國穿越幾千里的海洋攻擊我們，直到它已獲得了可使用的戰(zhàn)略基地。

但是我們學到很多來自歐洲的過去幾年的經(jīng)驗教訓——特別是挪威的教訓，他們主要的港口被背叛和驚喜的是建立在一系列的年。這個半球入侵的第一階段將不定期的軍隊登陸。該戰(zhàn)略的要點是要通過占領特務和他們的愚弄——他們中的許多已經(jīng)在這里和拉丁美洲的美國。只要侵略國保持進攻他們，不是我們，將選擇的時間、地點和他們的攻擊方法。

這就是為何美國的將來受到威脅。這就是為什么這一年一度的國會咨文是我國歷史上獨一無二的。這就是為什么政府的行政部門和國會的每位成員都面臨著巨大的責任，重大的責任。需要的時刻，我們的行動和我們的政策應該是主要的————幾乎專門應對外部的威脅。因為我們所有的國內(nèi)問題，現(xiàn)在是偉大的緊急的一部分。

正如我們在內(nèi)政方面的國家政策是以尊重的權(quán)利和在我們的大門對所有同胞的尊嚴，所以我們在外交方面的國家政策是基于尊重所有國家的權(quán)利與尊嚴，大的和小的。正義的道德將會獲得最終的勝利。

這是我們的國家政策：

首先，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達和不考慮黨派之爭，我們致力于全面的國防。

其次，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達和不考慮黨派之爭，我們致力于所有這些人都是誰堅決抵抗侵略從而使戰(zhàn)爭遠離我們的半球的全力支持。通過這種支持我們表達我們的民主事業(yè)必勝的決心，我們加強我國自身的防務和安全。

第三，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達和不考慮黨派之爭，我們致力于命題，為了我們自己的安全和道德的考慮原則將不會允許我們默許和平由侵略者支配、由兩。我們知道，持久和平是不能購買成本的其他人的自由。

在最近的國家選舉中沒有實質(zhì)性的差異之間的兩大政黨在國家政策上。沒有問題進行了這一行之前，美國的選民。今天，很明顯，美國公民都要求和支持快速和完整的明顯的危險識別作用。

因此，當務之急是迅速增加我們的軍械生產(chǎn)。工業(yè)和勞工領袖回應我們的召喚。速度的目標已經(jīng)確定。在某些情況下，這些目標是達到提前。在某些情況下，我們按計劃;在其他情況下，有輕微的滯后但不嚴重。在一些情況下——，我很抱歉，非常重要的方面——我們所有的計劃完成的慢度有關(guān)。

陸軍和海軍，然而，在過去一年取得了巨大的進步。實際經(jīng)驗是改進和加快生產(chǎn)方式與我們每一天。今天最好的不夠好，明天。

我不滿意迄今取得的進展。項目的負責人是最好的訓練，能力，和愛國主義。他們不滿意迄今取得的進展。沒有人會滿意直到任務完成。

不論最初的目標定得太高或太低，我們的目標是更快，更好的結(jié)果。

給你兩個插圖：

我們的進度落后生產(chǎn)出成品的飛機。我們正在夜以繼日地工作，為了解決無數(shù)的問題，趕上。

我們在建立軍艦提前，但我們的工作也得到了進一步的計劃。

要改變整個國家的和平與戰(zhàn)爭時的生產(chǎn)基礎實施平時生產(chǎn)的基礎是不小的任務。和最大的困難是在程序開始時，新工具，新的工廠設施，新的裝配線，新船臺首先必須構(gòu)建實際材料開始流動穩(wěn)步前迅速從他們。

當然，國會，必須時刻知曉的計劃進度。然而，有一定的信息，作為國會也能夠認識到，其中，在我們自己的安全和利益的國家，我們支持，必須要保密。

新情況不斷帶來新的需要為我們的安全。我將要求國會大量增加新的撥款和授權(quán)繼續(xù)進行我們已經(jīng)開始。

我還要求國會權(quán)威和足夠的資金來制造更多的彈藥和各種戰(zhàn)爭物資，對這些國家現(xiàn)在的戰(zhàn)爭是侵略與實際國家。我們最有效和最直接的作用是作為他們的一個阿森納和我們自己。他們不需要人力，但他們需要數(shù)十億美元的國防武器。

不久之后他們將無法用現(xiàn)金償還。我們不能，我們不會，告訴他們必須投降只是因為他們無力支付的武器，我們知道他們必須擁有。

我不建議我們讓他們的美元貸款，用以支付這些武器——要償還的貸款。我建議我們可以使那些國家繼續(xù)在美國獲得戰(zhàn)爭物資，擬合其命令為我們自己的計劃。而幾乎所有的材料，如果時間來過，有利于我們自己的防衛(wèi)。

以咨詢軍事專家們，考慮什么是最適合我們自己的安全，我們可以自由地決定多少應保持在這里，多少應該送到國外對我們的朋友，他們的決心和英勇的抵抗，給我們的時間來使自己的防御準備。

我們送出國我們應當償還，償還在合理的時間后，敵對的接近，類似的材料償還，或在我們的選擇的其他各種物質(zhì)可以產(chǎn)生我們需要的。

讓我們說：“我們美國人的民主自由在你的防御非常關(guān)注。我們將提出我們的精力，我們的資源，我們的組織能力，給你力量恢復和維持一個自由的世界。我們要把你的數(shù)量在不斷增加，船舶，飛機，坦克，大炮。這是我們的目標和承諾。”

為了實現(xiàn)這個目標，我們不會被嚇倒的獨裁者的威脅，他們將之視為違反國際法或作為民主國家哪敢反抗侵略的戰(zhàn)爭我們的援助法案。這樣的援助——這樣的援助不是戰(zhàn)爭行為，即使一個獨裁者應該單方面的這樣做。

當獨裁者們——如果獨裁者——準備向我們開戰(zhàn)，他們不會等待我們的行動的一部分戰(zhàn)爭。

他們并不等待挪威和比利時和荷蘭來的戰(zhàn)爭。他們唯一感興趣的是一個新的單向國際法，而它的慣例不相關(guān)，因此成為壓迫的工具。未來幾代美國人的幸福取決于我們?nèi)绾斡行Ф杆俚厥刮覀兊脑械健]有人能告訴怎樣的緊急情況，我們可能會被要求滿足。國家的手不得在國家命脈垂危的時候，把。

是的，我們必須做好準備，我們所有的準備，作出犧牲，緊急——幾乎和戰(zhàn)爭本身一樣嚴重的——要求。無論站在這樣的速度和效率，在防守方面，任何形式的防御準備，必須讓國家的需要。

一個自由的國家有權(quán)要求所有團體充分合作。一個自由的國家有權(quán)期望商界領袖的勞動力，農(nóng)業(yè)，并帶頭努力，但不是在其他群體自己組內(nèi)的。

處理在我們中間的那些懶鬼和麻煩制造者的最好方法是，首先，用愛國的例子去羞辱他們，如果失敗，使用政府主權(quán)政府的拯救。

正如人不能單靠面包生活，他們不光靠武器戰(zhàn)斗。我們這些人誰的抗辯和防御背后誰建立我們必須有毅力和勇氣來自不可動搖的信念在他們正在保衛(wèi)的生活方式。我們呼吁不能基于無視所有的強有力的行動。

國家非常滿意和強度已經(jīng)完成，讓人民意識到在美國的民主生活的保存他們的個人利益的事情。那些人纖維增韌的，革新了他們的信心，增強了他們對所要保護的。

當然，這是沒有時間為任何人停止有關(guān)的社會革命，是當今世界上最高的因素造成的社會和經(jīng)濟問題的思考。有關(guān)于健康和強大的民主國家的基礎沒有什么神秘的。

最基本的東西，他們預期到我們的政治和經(jīng)濟系統(tǒng)中的人都是簡單的。他們是：

青年平等機會和別人。

對于那些能夠工作的工作。

對于那些需要它的安全。

為結(jié)束少數(shù)人的特權(quán)。

保護所有人的公民自由權(quán)。

享受的——更廣泛和不斷上升的生活標準享受科學進步的果實。

這些都是簡單的，千萬不要在我們這個混亂和令人難以置信的復雜的現(xiàn)代世界失去了最基本的東西。我國的經(jīng)濟和政治體制的內(nèi)在和持久的力量，取決于他們在何種程度上滿足這些期望。

許多人與我國社會經(jīng)濟需要立即改善。為例：

我們應該讓更多的公民的養(yǎng)老和失業(yè)保險的覆蓋下。

我們應該擴大醫(yī)療保險的機會。

我們應該計劃一個更好的系統(tǒng)，哪些人值得或需要有報酬的工作可以得到它。

我已經(jīng)要求個人犧牲，我放心，幾乎所有的美國人響應號召的意愿。犧牲部分的方式繳納更多的稅款。在我的預算案的消息，我會建議這個偉大的防御計劃更大的部分是由稅收支付，比我們今天所支付的。沒有人應該嘗試，或可以致富的計劃，并與支付能力按照納稅原則應當繼續(xù)指導著我們的立法。

如果國會認為這些原則的選民，把愛國主義前面口袋，將給你掌聲。

在未來的日子里，我們力求安定，我們期待一個建立在四項人類基本自由的世界。

第一是言論和表達的自由——在世界各地。

第二是每個人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由——在世界各地。

第三是免于匱乏的自由，其中，翻譯成世界經(jīng)濟的理解，這將確保每一個國家的居民健康的和平生活——在世界各地。

第四是免于恐懼的自由，其中，從全球的角度說，意味著世界范圍的裁軍是如此徹底的方式，沒有一個國家有能力做任何鄰居的身體攻擊行為——在世界任何地方。

這不是幻想中的一個遙遠的千年。這是我們自己的時間和產(chǎn)生一種世界達到一定的基礎。這種世界的所謂“新秩序”的對立面專制獨裁者企圖用炸彈的威力創(chuàng)造。

這一新的訂單我們反對偉大的觀念——道德秩序。一個好的社會計劃能夠面對世界統(tǒng)治和外國革命而無所畏懼。

美國有史以來我們一直在變化，在一個永久的和平革命，這場革命，穩(wěn)步地，悄悄地，適應變化中的情況沒有集中營或生石灰溝。我們所尋求的世界秩序，是自由國家之間的合作，共同在一個友好的工作，文明社會。

這個國家把它的命運掌握在手和頭的千百萬自由男女的心中，并在其自由信仰的神指導下。自由意味著任何地方人權(quán)至上。我們支持那些奮斗爭取這些權(quán)利，讓他們。我們的優(yōu)勢在于我們目標一致。

那個高的概念可以有沒有盡頭的勝利。