奧巴馬于2009年1月20日在華盛頓特區(qū)國會(huì)大廈前的演講

背景介紹

2007年至2009年的環(huán)球金融危機(jī)，又稱世界金融危機(jī)、次貸危機(jī)、信用危機(jī)，并于2008年起名為金融海嘯及華爾街海嘯等，是一場(chǎng)在2007年8月9日開始浮現(xiàn)的金融危機(jī)。自次級(jí)房屋信貸危機(jī)爆發(fā)后，投資者開始對(duì)按揭證券的價(jià)值失去信心，引發(fā)流動(dòng)性危機(jī)。即使多國中央銀行多次向金融市場(chǎng)注入巨額資金，也無法阻止這場(chǎng)金融危機(jī)的爆發(fā)。直到2008年9月9日，這場(chǎng)金融危機(jī)開始失控，并導(dǎo)致多家大型金融機(jī)構(gòu)倒閉或被政府接管。

由次債危機(jī)引發(fā)的美國金融危機(jī)愈演愈烈，到目前為止已經(jīng)有數(shù)家大型投行及金融機(jī)構(gòu)在危機(jī)中轟然倒塌或被對(duì)手兼并，華爾街人人自危。美國金融危機(jī)不僅引發(fā)美國國內(nèi)的金融恐慌，也引起世界主要金融市場(chǎng)的擔(dān)憂和震蕩。人們擔(dān)心這場(chǎng)金融危機(jī)可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致二十世紀(jì)三十年代那場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)大蕭條悲劇重演，把美國乃至世界的經(jīng)濟(jì)推向動(dòng)蕩深淵。

出于此種擔(dān)憂，華盛頓高層，從布什總統(tǒng)到財(cái)政部長鮑爾森，以及聯(lián)邦儲(chǔ)備委員會(huì)主席伯南特，一致希望采取緊急措施應(yīng)對(duì)危機(jī)進(jìn)行“救市”。除去鮑爾森大手筆進(jìn)行救助的幾家金融機(jī)構(gòu)外，最近在布什總統(tǒng)的支持下他又拋出了7000億美元的救市計(jì)劃。

華爾街的金融動(dòng)蕩除了引起美國政府高層的高度關(guān)注與積極行動(dòng)，也影響到當(dāng)時(shí)正在緊張進(jìn)行的總統(tǒng)大選。共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人麥凱恩甚至一度宣布中斷總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選回到國會(huì)商討應(yīng)對(duì)金融危機(jī)的對(duì)策，展示其“領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力和責(zé)任感”。在定于9月26日(美國時(shí)間)的首場(chǎng)總統(tǒng)候選人的辯論前夕，麥凱恩甚至一度表示為了應(yīng)對(duì)危機(jī)，不惜不參加首場(chǎng)辯論。當(dāng)然最后麥凱恩還是如期赴會(huì)，參加了首場(chǎng)總統(tǒng)辯論。民主黨總統(tǒng)候選人奧巴馬在一開始本來拒絕中斷總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選，表示“作為總統(tǒng)意味著能夠同時(shí)處理幾件事”，但在麥凱恩已經(jīng)中斷競(jìng)選回到國會(huì)山，小布什又親自致電要求兩位總統(tǒng)候選人赴國會(huì)共商國事的情況下，只得如期赴會(huì)。

不過，這次“三巨頭”聚會(huì)國會(huì)山并沒有取得預(yù)期效果。雖然布什在最后不厭其煩地向國會(huì)議員渲染此次金融危機(jī)的嚴(yán)峻性，表示如果不采取緊急救市計(jì)劃，美國經(jīng)濟(jì)將面臨嚴(yán)重危機(jī)，給美國人的生活造成嚴(yán)重影響。眾議院多數(shù)黨領(lǐng)袖民主黨人佩洛西以及少數(shù)黨領(lǐng)袖共和黨人約翰博納也在眾議院投票表決前進(jìn)行動(dòng)員，但在9月29日(美國時(shí)間)舉行的眾議院投票表決中，結(jié)果以228對(duì)205票挫敗了布什總統(tǒng)的7000億美元救市計(jì)劃。在進(jìn)行投票的眾議員中，投贊成票的，民主黨共140票，共和黨只有65票。

這樣的投票結(jié)果，不僅讓布什總統(tǒng)深感失望，也導(dǎo)致人們對(duì)于國會(huì)議員的一片指責(zé)。投票結(jié)束后，美國國會(huì)就收到如雪片般飛來的電子郵件與電話，其中絕大多數(shù)是對(duì)美國國會(huì)議員的指責(zé)與質(zhì)問，指責(zé)他們不負(fù)責(zé)任。在10月1日發(fā)行的《華盛頓郵報(bào)》中，有一篇文章對(duì)此投票結(jié)果作出評(píng)價(jià)，認(rèn)為這不僅僅是救市計(jì)劃的失敗，也意味著布什總統(tǒng)、財(cái)政部長、國會(huì)兩黨主席的失敗，甚至是兩位總統(tǒng)候選人，特別是麥凱恩的失敗。布什總統(tǒng)的救市計(jì)劃遭到主要是本黨議員的反對(duì)和挫敗，說明這位“跛腳鴨”已經(jīng)基本上失去本黨的支持，毫無威信可言，這也表明本黨議員對(duì)布什總統(tǒng)非常不滿與失望，這次投票在某種意義上也算是對(duì)布什執(zhí)政的打分投票。這投票似乎也與布什在民調(diào)中的結(jié)果相呼應(yīng)，在《華盛頓郵報(bào)》與ABC新聞舉行的聯(lián)合調(diào)查中，對(duì)布什的支持率僅為26%，而不支持率占70%，后者在美國歷史上絕無僅有。

救市計(jì)劃受挫也是國會(huì)共和、民主黨兩位主席的失敗，因?yàn)楸M管兩者在投票前都對(duì)本黨及對(duì)方進(jìn)行了宣傳演說并做了大量工作，但投票結(jié)果卻不啻是一記耳光，說明他們各自對(duì)本黨的影響力極其有限。同時(shí)這也是麥凱恩的失敗，因?yàn)榇饲八袛噙x舉要進(jìn)行救市，但卻未能對(duì)投票結(jié)果有任何影響，甚至未能改變來自他本州的共和黨議員的投票傾向，后者全部投反對(duì)票。當(dāng)然這也是財(cái)政部長鮑爾森的失敗，表明至少他沒有把救市計(jì)劃向國會(huì)議員和美國民眾說明清楚，讓后者認(rèn)為救市計(jì)劃是拿納稅人的錢挽救那些貪得無厭、不負(fù)責(zé)任的華爾街高管，是劫貧濟(jì)富，使那些有可能打算投票支持的議員投鼠忌器，不敢投贊成票。

眾議院的投票結(jié)果加劇了人們的恐慌心理，就在投票結(jié)果出來的當(dāng)天，美國道瓊斯股指暴跌778點(diǎn)，下挫7%，甚至超過9·11恐怖襲擊對(duì)美國股市的重創(chuàng)。美國股市的重挫還波及全球，導(dǎo)致全球主要股市巨幅下挫。這一結(jié)果對(duì)美國大選議題設(shè)置、選民投票偏好無疑會(huì)產(chǎn)生影響。民調(diào)顯示，民眾更為關(guān)心哪位總統(tǒng)候選人能夠處理好美國的經(jīng)濟(jì)問題。而在經(jīng)濟(jì)議題上，民主黨人奧巴馬無疑占據(jù)優(yōu)勢(shì)，因?yàn)檫x民認(rèn)為民主黨更會(huì)處理經(jīng)濟(jì)問題，民調(diào)結(jié)果表明，民眾認(rèn)為奧巴馬更理解美國的經(jīng)濟(jì)問題。

2009年年初，在總統(tǒng)就職演講中，奧巴馬宣稱美國在迎接一個(gè)新的責(zé)任時(shí)代的到來。實(shí)際上，很多美國人也確實(shí)認(rèn)為新時(shí)代到來了。但通過對(duì)密執(zhí)安大學(xué)社會(huì)研究所最新發(fā)布的《美國全國選舉研究》關(guān)于2008年總統(tǒng)選舉前后的民意測(cè)驗(yàn)資料進(jìn)行分析，可以發(fā)現(xiàn)決定奧巴馬當(dāng)選的社會(huì)政治背景并沒有超出自羅斯福新政以來所形成的社會(huì)政治勢(shì)力基本格局，經(jīng)濟(jì)、群體關(guān)系和國家安全仍然是圍繞美國總統(tǒng)選舉的三個(gè)長期性主題。

1月19日，在美國首都華盛頓，國會(huì)山和國家廣場(chǎng)一帶的人流熙熙攘攘。奧巴馬將于1月20日在國會(huì)山宣誓就任美國第五十六屆(第四十四任)總統(tǒng)，大批民眾連日來從四面八方涌入首都，見證奧巴馬就職。

奧巴馬于2009年1月20日在華盛頓特區(qū)國會(huì)大廈前的演講

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.

Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land, a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America, they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West, endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions, greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act, not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works, whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account, to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control, and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity, on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart, not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.

We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment, a moment that will define a generation, it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility, a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task. This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence, the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: "Let it be told to the future world... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

我的同胞們：

今天我站在這里，看到眼前面臨的重大任務(wù)深感卑微。我感謝你們對(duì)我的信任，也知道先輩們?yōu)榱诉@個(gè)國家所做的犧牲。我要感謝布什總統(tǒng)為國家做出的貢獻(xiàn)，以及感謝他在兩屆政府過渡期間給予的慷慨協(xié)作。

迄今為止，已經(jīng)有44個(gè)美國總統(tǒng)宣誓就職。總統(tǒng)的宣誓有時(shí)面對(duì)的是國家的和平繁榮，但通常面臨的是烏云密布的緊張形勢(shì)。在緊張的形勢(shì)中，支持美國前進(jìn)的不僅僅是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的能力和遠(yuǎn)見，也在于美國人民對(duì)國家先驅(qū)者理想的信仰，以及對(duì)美國立國文件的忠誠。

前輩們?nèi)绱?，我們這一代美國人也要如此。

現(xiàn)在我們都深知，我們身處危機(jī)之中。我們的國家在戰(zhàn)斗，對(duì)手是影響深遠(yuǎn)的暴力和憎恨;國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)也受到嚴(yán)重的削弱，原因雖是一些人的貪婪和不負(fù)責(zé)任，但更為重要的是我們作為一個(gè)整體在一些重大問題上決策失誤，同時(shí)也未能做好應(yīng)對(duì)新時(shí)代的準(zhǔn)備。

我們的人民正在失去家園，失去工作，而且很多企業(yè)要倒閉。社會(huì)的醫(yī)療過于昂貴，學(xué)校教育讓許多人失望，而且每天都會(huì)有新的證據(jù)顯示，我們利用能源的方式助長了我們的敵對(duì)勢(shì)力，同時(shí)也威脅著我們的星球。

統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)的指標(biāo)傳達(dá)著危機(jī)的消息。危機(jī)難以測(cè)量，但更難以測(cè)量的是其對(duì)美國人國家自信的侵蝕。現(xiàn)在一種認(rèn)為美國衰落不可避免，我們的下一代必須低調(diào)的言論正在吞噬著人們的自信。

今天我要說，我們的確面臨著很多嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)，而且在短期內(nèi)不大可能輕易解決。但是我們要相信，我們一定會(huì)渡過難關(guān)。

今天，我們?cè)谶@里齊聚一堂，因?yàn)槲覀儜?zhàn)勝恐懼選擇了希望，摒棄了沖突和矛盾而選擇了團(tuán)結(jié)。

今天，我們宣布要為無謂的摩擦、不實(shí)的承諾和指責(zé)畫上句號(hào)，我們要打破牽制美國政治發(fā)展的若干陳舊教條。

美國仍是一個(gè)年輕的國家，借用《圣經(jīng)》的話說，“放棄幼稚的時(shí)代已經(jīng)到來了”。重拾堅(jiān)韌精神的時(shí)代已經(jīng)到來，我們要為歷史作出更好的選擇，我們要秉承歷史賦予的寶貴權(quán)利，秉承那種代代相傳的高貴理念：上帝賦予我們每個(gè)人以平等和自由，以及每個(gè)人盡全力去追求幸福的機(jī)會(huì)。

在重申我們國家偉大之處的同時(shí)，我們深知偉大從來不是上天賜予的，偉大需要努力贏得。(我們的民族一路走來)，這旅途之中從未有過捷徑或者妥協(xié)，這旅途也不適合膽怯之人，或者愛安逸勝過愛工作之人，或者單單追求名利之人。這條路是勇于承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)者之路，是實(shí)干家、創(chuàng)造者之路。這其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人卻在默默無聞地工作著。正是這些人帶領(lǐng)我們走過了漫長崎嶇的旅行，帶領(lǐng)我們走向富強(qiáng)和自由。

為了我們，先輩們帶著微薄的細(xì)軟，橫渡大洋尋找新生活;為了我們，先輩們?nèi)倘柝?fù)重，用血汗?jié)茶T工廠;為了我們，先輩們?cè)诨氖彽奈鞑看蟮匦燎诟?，定居他鄉(xiāng);為了我們，先輩們奔赴(獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的)康科德城和葛底斯堡、(二戰(zhàn)中的)諾曼底、(越戰(zhàn)中的)溪山，他們征戰(zhàn)死去。

一次又一次，我們的先輩們戰(zhàn)斗著、犧牲著、操勞著，只為了我們可以生活得更好。在他們看來，美國的強(qiáng)盛與偉大超越了個(gè)人雄心，也超越了個(gè)人的出身、貧富和派別差異。

今天我們繼續(xù)先輩們的旅途。美國依然是地球上最富裕、最強(qiáng)大的國家。同危機(jī)初露端倪之時(shí)相比，美國人民的生產(chǎn)力依然旺盛。與上周、上個(gè)月或者去年相比，我們的頭腦依然富于創(chuàng)造力，我們的商品和服務(wù)依然很有市場(chǎng)，我們的實(shí)力不曾削弱。但是，可以肯定的是，輕歌曼舞的時(shí)代、保護(hù)狹隘利益的時(shí)代以及對(duì)艱難決定猶豫不決的時(shí)代已經(jīng)過去了。從今天開始，我們必須跌倒后爬起來，拍拍身上的泥土，重新開始工作，重塑美國。

我目之所及都有工作有待完成。國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)情況要求我們采取大膽且快速的行動(dòng)，我們的確是要行動(dòng)，不僅是要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造就業(yè)，更要為(下一輪經(jīng)濟(jì))增長打下新的基礎(chǔ)。我們將造橋鋪路，為企業(yè)鋪設(shè)電網(wǎng)和數(shù)字線路，將我們聯(lián)系在一起。我們將回歸科學(xué)，運(yùn)用科技的奇跡提高醫(yī)療質(zhì)量，降低醫(yī)療費(fèi)用。我們將利用風(fēng)能、太陽能和土壤驅(qū)動(dòng)車輛，為工廠提供能源。我們將改革中小學(xué)以及大專院校，以適應(yīng)新時(shí)代的要求。這一切，我們都能做到，而且我們都將會(huì)做到。

現(xiàn)在，有一些人開始質(zhì)疑我們的野心是不是太大了，他們認(rèn)為我們的體制承載不了太多的宏偉計(jì)劃。他們是健忘了，他們已經(jīng)忘了這個(gè)國家取得的成就，他們已經(jīng)忘了當(dāng)創(chuàng)造力與共同目標(biāo)以及必要的勇氣結(jié)合起來時(shí)，自由的美國人民所能發(fā)揮的能量。

這些懷疑論者的錯(cuò)誤在于，他們沒有意識(shí)到政治現(xiàn)實(shí)已經(jīng)發(fā)生了變化，長期以來耗掉我們太多精力的陳腐政治論爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)不再適用。今天，我們的問題不在于政府的大小，而在于政府能否起作用。政府能否幫助家庭找到薪水合適的工作，給他們可以負(fù)擔(dān)得起的醫(yī)療保障并讓他們體面地退休。哪個(gè)方案能給與肯定的答案，我們就推進(jìn)哪個(gè)方案。哪個(gè)方案的答案是否定的，我們就選擇終止。而掌管納稅人稅金的人應(yīng)當(dāng)承擔(dān)起責(zé)任，合理支出，摒棄陋習(xí)，磊落做事，只有這樣才能在政府和人民之間重建至關(guān)重要的相互信任。

我們面臨的問題也不是市場(chǎng)好壞的問題。市場(chǎng)創(chuàng)造財(cái)富、拓展自由的能力無可匹敵，但是這場(chǎng)危機(jī)提醒我們，如果沒有監(jiān)管市場(chǎng)很可能就會(huì)失去控制，而且偏袒富人國家的繁榮無法持久。國家經(jīng)濟(jì)的成敗不僅僅取決于國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的大小，而且取決于繁榮的覆蓋面，取決于我們是否有能力讓所有有意愿的人都有機(jī)會(huì)走向富裕。我們這樣做不是慈善，而是因?yàn)檫@是確保實(shí)現(xiàn)共同利益的途徑。

就共同防御而言，我們認(rèn)為國家安全與國家理想的只能選其一的排他選擇是錯(cuò)的。面對(duì)我們幾乎無法想象的危險(xiǎn)，我們的先輩們起草了確保法治和個(gè)人權(quán)利的憲章。一代代人民的鮮血夯實(shí)了這一憲章。憲章中的理想依然照亮著世界，我們不能以經(jīng)驗(yàn)之談放棄這些理想。因此我想對(duì)正在觀看這一儀式的其他國家的人民和政府說，不論他們?cè)诟鲊鴤ゴ蟮氖赘€是在如同我父親出生地一般的小村落，我想讓他們知道：對(duì)于每個(gè)追求和平和自尊的國家和個(gè)人而言，美國都是朋友，我們?cè)敢庠俅晤I(lǐng)導(dǎo)大家踏上追尋之旅。

回想先輩們?cè)诘挚狗ㄎ魉怪髁x之時(shí)，他們不僅依靠手中的導(dǎo)彈或坦克，他們還依靠穩(wěn)固的聯(lián)盟和堅(jiān)定的信仰。他們深知單憑自己的力量我們無法保護(hù)自己，他們也深知我們的力量并不足以使我們有權(quán)利為所欲為。他們明白正是因?yàn)橹?jǐn)慎，我們的實(shí)力才不斷增強(qiáng);正是因?yàn)槲覀兊氖聵I(yè)是公正的，我們?yōu)槭澜鐦淞⒘税駱?因?yàn)槲覀兊闹t卑和節(jié)制，我們才安全。

我們繼承了這些遺產(chǎn)。在這些原則的再次領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，我們有能力應(yīng)對(duì)新的威脅，我們需要付出更多的努力，進(jìn)行國家間更廣泛的合作以及增進(jìn)國家間的理解。首先，我們將以負(fù)責(zé)任的態(tài)度，將伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民，同時(shí)鞏固阿富汗來之不易的和平。對(duì)于老朋友和老對(duì)手，我們將繼續(xù)努力，不遺余力地削弱核威脅，遏制全球變暖的幽靈。我們不會(huì)為我們的生活方式感到抱歉，我們會(huì)不動(dòng)搖地捍衛(wèi)我們的生活方式。對(duì)于那些企圖通過恐怖主義或屠殺無辜平民達(dá)成目標(biāo)的人，我們要對(duì)他們說：我們的信仰更加堅(jiān)定，不可動(dòng)搖，你們不可能拖垮我們，我們定將戰(zhàn)勝你們。

因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們的多元化遺產(chǎn)是一個(gè)優(yōu)勢(shì)而非劣勢(shì)。我們國家里有基督徒也有穆斯林，有猶太教徒也有印度教徒，同時(shí)也有非宗教信徒。我們民族的成長受到許多語言和文化的影響，我們吸取了這個(gè)星球上任何一個(gè)角落的有益成分。正是因?yàn)槲覀兠褡逶H嘗過內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和種族隔離的苦酒，并且在經(jīng)歷了這些黑色的篇章之后變得更加強(qiáng)大更加團(tuán)結(jié)，因此我們不由自主地相信一切仇恨終有一天都會(huì)成為過去，種族的劃分不久就會(huì)消失，而且隨著世界變得越來越小，我們相信終有一天人類共有的人性品德將會(huì)自動(dòng)顯現(xiàn)。在迎接新的和平時(shí)代到來的過程中，美國需要發(fā)揮自己的作用。

思索前方的路，我們無時(shí)無刻不在銘記那些遠(yuǎn)征沙漠和偏遠(yuǎn)山區(qū)的英勇美國戰(zhàn)士，對(duì)他們充滿了感激之情，他們和那些安息在阿靈頓國家公墓之下的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)英雄們一樣，給與我們啟示。

我們尊敬他們，不僅因?yàn)樗麄兪亲杂傻氖刈o(hù)者，還因?yàn)樗麄兇淼氖菫閲曳?wù)的精神，他們致力于追尋比自身的價(jià)值更偉大的意義。此時(shí)此刻，在這個(gè)要塑造一代人的時(shí)刻，我們需要的正是這樣一種精神。

因?yàn)闊o論美國政府能做多少，必須做多少，美國國家的立國之本最終還是美國人的決心和信念。于防洪堤壩決堤之時(shí)收留陌生受難者的善意，于經(jīng)濟(jì)不景氣時(shí)寧愿減少自己工時(shí)也不肯看著朋友失業(yè)的無私，正是他們支撐我們走過黑暗的時(shí)刻。消防隊(duì)員沖入滿是濃煙的樓梯搶救生命的勇氣，父母養(yǎng)育孩子的堅(jiān)持，正是這些決定了我們的命運(yùn)。

我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)也許是新的，我們應(yīng)對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)的措施也許也是新的，但那些長期以來指導(dǎo)我們成功的價(jià)值觀——勤奮、誠實(shí)、勇氣、公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、包容以及對(duì)世界保持好奇心，還有對(duì)國家的忠誠和愛國主義卻是歷久彌新。這些價(jià)值觀是可靠的，他們是創(chuàng)造美國歷史的無聲力量，我們現(xiàn)在需要的就是回歸這些古老的價(jià)值觀。我們需要一個(gè)新的負(fù)責(zé)任的時(shí)代，一個(gè)覺醒的時(shí)代，每個(gè)國人都應(yīng)意識(shí)到我們對(duì)自己、對(duì)國家和世界負(fù)有責(zé)任，我們不應(yīng)該不情愿地接受這些責(zé)任，而應(yīng)該快樂地承擔(dān)起這些責(zé)任。我們應(yīng)該堅(jiān)定這一認(rèn)識(shí)，沒有什么比全身心投入一項(xiàng)艱巨的工作更能鍛煉我們的性格，更能獲得精神上的滿足。這是公民應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)，應(yīng)做出的承諾。

我們自信源于對(duì)上帝的信仰，上帝號(hào)召我們要掌握自己的命運(yùn)。這就是我們自由和信仰的意義，這也是為何不同種族、不同信仰、不同性別和年齡的人可以同聚一堂在此歡慶的原因，也是我今天能站在這里莊嚴(yán)宣誓的原因，而在五十多年前我的父親甚至都不能成為地方餐館的服務(wù)生。

所以，讓我們銘記自己的身份，鐫刻自己的足跡。在美國誕生的時(shí)代，那最寒冷的歲月里，一群勇敢的愛國人士圍著篝火在冰封的河邊取暖。首都被占領(lǐng)，敵人在挺進(jìn)，冬天的雪被鮮血染成了紅色。在美國大革命最受質(zhì)疑的時(shí)刻，我們的國父?jìng)冞@樣說：“我們要讓未來的世界知道……在深冬的嚴(yán)寒里，唯有希望和勇氣才能讓我們存活……面對(duì)共同的危險(xiǎn)時(shí)，我們的城市和國家要勇敢地上前去面對(duì)。”

今天的美國也在嚴(yán)峻的寒冬中面對(duì)共同的挑戰(zhàn)，讓我們記住國父?jìng)儾恍嗟恼Z言。帶著希望和勇氣，讓我們?cè)僖淮斡赂业孛鎸?duì)寒流，迎接可能會(huì)發(fā)生的風(fēng)暴。我們要讓我們的子孫后代記住，在面臨挑戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候，我們沒有屈服，我們沒有逃避也沒有猶豫，我們腳踏實(shí)地、心懷信仰，秉承了寶貴的自由權(quán)利并將其安全地交到了下一代的手中。

精彩語錄

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

在重申我們國家偉大之處的同時(shí)，我們深知偉大從來不是上天賜予的，偉大需要努力贏得。(我們的民族一路走來)，這旅途之中從未有過捷徑或者妥協(xié)，這旅途也不適合膽怯之人，或者愛安逸勝過愛工作之人，或者單單追求名利之人。這條路是勇于承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)者之路，是實(shí)干家、創(chuàng)造者之路。這其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人卻在默默無聞地工作著。正是這些人帶領(lǐng)我們走過了漫長崎嶇的旅行，帶領(lǐng)我們走向富強(qiáng)和自由。

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

今天我們繼續(xù)先輩們的旅途。美國依然是地球上最富裕、最強(qiáng)大的國家。同危機(jī)初露端倪之時(shí)相比，美國人民的生產(chǎn)力依然旺盛。與上周、上個(gè)月或者去年相比，我們的頭腦依然富于創(chuàng)造力，我們的商品和服務(wù)依然很有市場(chǎng)，我們的實(shí)力不曾削弱。但是，可以肯定的是，輕歌曼舞的時(shí)代、保護(hù)狹隘利益的時(shí)代以及對(duì)艱難決定猶豫不決的時(shí)代已經(jīng)過去了。從今天開始，我們必須跌倒后爬起來，拍拍身上的泥土，重新開始工作，重塑美國。

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility, a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)也許是新的，我們應(yīng)對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)的措施也許也是新的，但那些長期以來指導(dǎo)我們成功的價(jià)值觀——勤奮、誠實(shí)、勇氣、公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、包容以及對(duì)世界保持好奇心，還有對(duì)國家的忠誠和愛國主義卻是歷久彌新。這些價(jià)值觀是可靠的，他們是創(chuàng)造美國歷史的無聲力量，我們現(xiàn)在需要的就是回歸這些古老的價(jià)值觀。我們需要一個(gè)新的負(fù)責(zé)任的時(shí)代，一個(gè)覺醒的時(shí)代，每個(gè)國人都應(yīng)意識(shí)到我們對(duì)自己、對(duì)國家和世界負(fù)有責(zé)任，我們不應(yīng)該不情愿地接受這些責(zé)任，而應(yīng)該快樂地承擔(dān)起這些責(zé)任。我們應(yīng)該堅(jiān)定這一認(rèn)識(shí)，沒有什么比全身心投入一項(xiàng)艱巨的工作更能鍛煉我們的性格，更能獲得精神上的滿足。

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

今天的美國也在嚴(yán)峻的寒冬中面對(duì)共同的挑戰(zhàn)，讓我們記住國父?jìng)儾恍嗟恼Z言。帶著希望和勇氣，讓我們?cè)僖淮斡赂业孛鎸?duì)寒流，迎接可能會(huì)發(fā)生的風(fēng)暴。我們要讓我們的子孫后代記住，在面臨挑戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候，我們沒有屈服，我們沒有逃避也沒有猶豫，我們腳踏實(shí)地、心懷信仰，秉承了寶貴的自由權(quán)利并將其安全地交到了下一代的手中。