羅斯福于1940年的一次爐邊談話

羅斯福于1940年的一次爐邊談話 英文版

 

The Great Arsenal of Democracy

My friends，

This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.

Tonight of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of an those Americans with whom l was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life’s savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.

Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown CD and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 this year by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations a program aimed at world control—they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.

The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other. And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: “they are correct when they say ‘With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves. I can beat any other power in the world’.”So said of the Nazis Leader other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy—their philosophy of government—and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.

At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.

Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe, Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors, There was no treaty. There was no unwritten agreement. And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere bas remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia Addresses of Franklin. Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic. And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun—a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force.

And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy. Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.

During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have to me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the of the situation One telegram, how expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: “Please, Mr. President, don’t frighten us by telling us the facts.” Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.

Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour’s notice or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, “The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places.”The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.

The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of “restoring order”. Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are protecting it against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: “We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States.” Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won, Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world, the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer io our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.

There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts arc that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.

Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates.Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religion us enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.

There are also American citizen—many of them in high places, who unwittingly in most cases, are charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can aryl should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.

The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb.

We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know bow soon they will be need to death by their allies. American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a“negotiated peace”. Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power.

With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of chains. The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a “new order”in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, and no hope. The proposed “new order” is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.

The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to “keep out of war” is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later.

If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But l deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future, The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, and the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.

Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.

Certain facts are self-evident.

In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.

Democracy’s fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more unneutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.

We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.

This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens, lf our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.

As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.

Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land.

In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful. American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of I no types and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.

But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of “business as usual”. This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country’s peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense.

I want to make it clear that it is the lose of the nation to purer build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, ill gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose. And still appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.

As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must make on the basis of our overall military necessities.

We must be the great arsenal of democracy.

For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war. We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no “bottlenecks” in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination.

The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.

I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.

We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope—hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.

As President of the United States, I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this nation which we love and honor and which we are privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common cause will greatly succeed.

羅斯福于1940年的一次爐邊談話 中文版

民主國家的兵工廠

朋友們：

這不是關(guān)于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的一場(chǎng)爐邊會(huì)談，而是一次關(guān)乎國家安全的談話。我作為總統(tǒng)進(jìn)行這次談話主要是為了讓現(xiàn)在的你們，之后你們的孩子以及再以后你們的孫輩遠(yuǎn)離不得不進(jìn)行的衛(wèi)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，是為了維護(hù)美國獨(dú)立以及所有對(duì)我們而言的各種意義的美國獨(dú)立。

今晚，面對(duì)這場(chǎng)世界性危機(jī)，我的思緒回到了八年前國內(nèi)危機(jī)時(shí)期的一個(gè)晚上。當(dāng)時(shí)，美國工業(yè)之輪戛然而止，我國的銀行系統(tǒng)停止運(yùn)行。我還清晰地記得，當(dāng)我坐在白宮的書房里，準(zhǔn)備與我的國民談話，眼前就閃過所有要與我談話之人的面龐。我看見了在作坊里、礦井中以及工廠里的工人們，收銀臺(tái)的姑娘、小老板、春耕的農(nóng)民和擔(dān)心自己畢生儲(chǔ)蓄的寡婦和老人們。我嘗試向絕大多數(shù)的美國人民表達(dá)清楚銀行危機(jī)對(duì)他們的日常生活意味著什么。

今晚，在美國面臨著新危機(jī)的時(shí)刻，我還要對(duì)那些人做同樣的事。那時(shí)，我們以勇氣和現(xiàn)實(shí)主義態(tài)度應(yīng)對(duì)1933年的危機(jī)?，F(xiàn)在，我們要以同樣的勇氣和現(xiàn)實(shí)主義態(tài)度來應(yīng)對(duì)此次的新危機(jī)，應(yīng)對(duì)國家安全所受到的新威脅。自從美利堅(jiān)文明在詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯石卜產(chǎn)生以來，我們從未身處于當(dāng)下這樣的險(xiǎn)境。因?yàn)榫驮诮衲?mdash;—1940年9月27日，三大強(qiáng)國在柏林簽署協(xié)議。其中，兩個(gè)是歐洲強(qiáng)國，一個(gè)是亞洲強(qiáng)國。它們勾結(jié)起來恐嚇美國，如果美國干預(yù)或妨礙這三個(gè)國家企圖控制全球的擴(kuò)張計(jì)劃，那么它們將聯(lián)合起來給美國致命一擊。

德國納粹的軍統(tǒng)們宣告，他們不僅要控制本國人民的生活和思想，還要征服整個(gè)歐洲，然后利用歐洲的資源控制全世界。僅在三個(gè)星期前，他們的首領(lǐng)聲稱：“世界上存在著兩個(gè)對(duì)立的陣營。”接著他用挑釁的口吻回應(yīng)他的敵對(duì)者：“那些人說得很對(duì)，我們?cè)谶@個(gè)世界上永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)安分守己。”“我能夠擊敗世界上任何一個(gè)強(qiáng)大對(duì)手。”納粹首領(lǐng)就是這么說的。換言之，軸心國不僅承認(rèn)，而且公開聲明，他們的政治觀點(diǎn)同我們的政治觀點(diǎn)不可能完全調(diào)和?？紤]到這不可否認(rèn)的威脅，我們可以毫無疑問地明確斷言，只要侵略國方面不明確表示愿意放棄統(tǒng)治或征服全世界的念頭，美國就沒有權(quán)利，也沒有理由去促進(jìn)和談。

此時(shí)，那些反對(duì)人類自由的國家已經(jīng)結(jié)成了同盟，它們的武裝力量現(xiàn)在還被阻止在遠(yuǎn)離我們海岸的地方。英國人、希臘人以及大批從被占領(lǐng)國逃脫的士兵和水手將德國人和意大利人阻遏在大西洋的另一端。在亞洲，中華民族頑強(qiáng)抵抗日本人的侵略。而太平洋上有我們的艦隊(duì)。

我們有些人傾向于認(rèn)為，發(fā)生在歐洲和亞洲的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)與我們無關(guān)。但我們不能讓歐洲和亞洲的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)制造者控制通向我們這個(gè)半球的海域，那關(guān)系到我們的生死存亡。一百七十年前，我國政府將門羅主義擬定為護(hù)國方針，與歐洲大陸聯(lián)合起來應(yīng)對(duì)我們這個(gè)半球面臨的威脅。后來，我們與不列顛為鄰，守護(hù)著大西洋。我們沒有簽署條約，也沒有“不成文協(xié)議”。但是，有一種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為我們作為鄰國，可以用和平的方式來解決任何爭(zhēng)端。這種觀點(diǎn)已被歷史證明為是正確的。事實(shí)上，在那整個(gè)時(shí)期里，歐洲和亞洲始終都沒侵略到西半球。是否有人真的相信，當(dāng)自由的不列顛依然是我們大西洋上強(qiáng)大的海上鄰國時(shí)，我們就不必?fù)?dān)心美洲任何地方會(huì)遭受襲擊了呢?還是認(rèn)為如果軸心國與我們?yōu)猷?，我們就可以高枕無憂了?如果大不列顛淪陷，軸心國就會(huì)控制歐洲、亞洲和非洲大陸以及澳大拉西亞和公海。這樣一來，它們就能占據(jù)有利位置，從而調(diào)動(dòng)大量軍事力量和海上資源來攻擊我們這個(gè)半球。毫不夸張地說，那時(shí)，我們?nèi)乐奕嗣駥⑸钤谝恢б焉咸诺臉尶谥?，?jīng)濟(jì)和軍事都會(huì)受到威脅。那時(shí)，我們就會(huì)進(jìn)入一個(gè)陌生而可怕的時(shí)代，包括我們這個(gè)半球的整個(gè)世界都會(huì)被野蠻勢(shì)力的威脅所籠罩。

而要在這樣的世界上生存下去，我們將必須以戰(zhàn)時(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)為基礎(chǔ)，轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)橐粋€(gè)永遠(yuǎn)的軍事強(qiáng)國。我們中還有一些人一廂情愿的認(rèn)為，即使不列顛淪陷，廣袤的大西洋和太平洋會(huì)讓我們不受威脅。但如今海域?qū)挾鹊囊饬x已不再像帆船時(shí)代那樣。從非洲某地到達(dá)巴西某地的距離比從華盛頓到科羅拉多州丹佛市還近，最新式的轟炸機(jī)飛完全程只需五小時(shí)。在太平洋北端，美洲和亞洲幾乎接壤。當(dāng)然，即使今天我們的飛機(jī)可以從不列顛群島到新英格蘭飛來回，途中不用加油。而且要記住，新型轟炸機(jī)的種類也在不斷增加。

在過去的一個(gè)星期里，全國各地的許多人告訴我，他們今晚想聽到他們想要我說的話。絕大部分人都強(qiáng)烈要求聽到關(guān)于現(xiàn)狀嚴(yán)重性的真相。然而，有一個(gè)電報(bào)表達(dá)了少數(shù)人的態(tài)度。他們表示不想看到也不要聽到災(zāi)難臨頭，盡管他們內(nèi)心知道它的存在。那個(gè)電報(bào)求我不要再輕易說出，美國城市可能會(huì)受到敵國的轟炸，并且他們已經(jīng)在西半球建立了根據(jù)地。那個(gè)電報(bào)的主要意思是：“總統(tǒng)先生，請(qǐng)不要說出實(shí)情嚇唬我們。”直言不諱地說，危險(xiǎn)迫在眉睫，我們必須準(zhǔn)備應(yīng)對(duì)這種危險(xiǎn)。而我們也清楚地知道，不是爬上床，用被子蒙住頭就可以逃避危險(xiǎn)或擺脫恐懼。

歐洲的一些國家因與德國簽署過嚴(yán)正的互不干涉條約而被束縛。德國還向另外一些國家保證過，它們永遠(yuǎn)不必?fù)?dān)憂被入侵。但不管有沒有簽署過互不干涉條約，事實(shí)上這些國家都被攻占，被蹂躪，成了現(xiàn)代奴隸。它們有的在一小時(shí)前才收到宣戰(zhàn)書，有的則是不宣而戰(zhàn)。有一天，那些被侵略國家中的一個(gè)流亡領(lǐng)袖告訴我：“下宣戰(zhàn)書的時(shí)間就是負(fù)數(shù)。我們政府是在德軍涌入國家上百個(gè)地方兩小時(shí)后才收到宣戰(zhàn)書。”那些國家的命運(yùn)告訴我們生活在納粹槍口下意味著什么。

納粹用各種虛偽的謊言為這種行徑開脫。其中之一是聲稱它們是為了“恢復(fù)秩序”而占領(lǐng)一個(gè)國家。另一種詭辯是它們?yōu)榱?ldquo;保護(hù)”一個(gè)國家免遭其他國家的侵略而占領(lǐng)或控制這個(gè)國家。比如，德國稱占領(lǐng)比利時(shí)是為了從不列顛手里把比利時(shí)人民拯救出來。難道德國以后還會(huì)有顧忌地對(duì)任何一個(gè)南美國家說：“我們占領(lǐng)你們是為了讓你們不受美國侵略。”如今，比利時(shí)已被用作進(jìn)攻不列顛的基地，盡管它現(xiàn)在還在為生存而奮戰(zhàn)。任何一個(gè)被納粹控制的南美國家都會(huì)成為德國進(jìn)攻這個(gè)半球的任何一個(gè)共和國的跳板。

你們自己分析一下，如果納粹在這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中獲勝，離德國更近的其他兩個(gè)地方將來會(huì)怎樣。愛爾蘭能幸存嗎?在這個(gè)失去自由的世界里，德國會(huì)因?yàn)閷蹱柼m當(dāng)成玩物，而例外地保留愛爾蘭的自由嗎?經(jīng)過五個(gè)世紀(jì)，葡萄牙的旗幟仍然飄揚(yáng)在亞述爾群島之上，這片群島能幸存嗎?我們都會(huì)認(rèn)為夏威夷是太平洋上的防衛(wèi)前哨，但亞述爾群島在大西洋上比另一邊的夏威夷離我們的海岸更近。

有些人說軸心國絕無進(jìn)攻西半球的欲望。這種一廂情愿的想法也是危險(xiǎn)的，它已摧毀了許多被征服人民的抵抗能力。顯而易見的事實(shí)是，納粹分子已一再聲明其他民族都是劣等民族，因而都得對(duì)德國唯命是從。最為重要的是，遼闊富饒的美洲被視為世界上最有吸引力的掠奪目標(biāo)。

我們不能再對(duì)不爭(zhēng)的事實(shí)視而不見了。邪惡勢(shì)力已經(jīng)鎮(zhèn)壓、破壞、摧毀了如此多的國家，而現(xiàn)在已闖入我們的國門。對(duì)此政府了如指掌并且每天四處搜尋他們的蹤跡。他們的秘使正在我國和鄰國頻繁活動(dòng)，試圖挑起猜疑和爭(zhēng)端，以引起內(nèi)亂。他們企圖使資本家和勞動(dòng)者相互敵對(duì)，讓原已在這個(gè)國家平息多時(shí)并銷聲匿跡的種族和宗教敵對(duì)死灰復(fù)燃。他們活躍在每個(gè)令人厭惡的團(tuán)體中，利用我們對(duì)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本能的憎惡來達(dá)到自己的目的。這些麻煩制造者的唯一目的就是要離間我們的人民，把我們分化為對(duì)立的集團(tuán)，然后破壞我們的團(tuán)結(jié)，最終摧毀我們保衛(wèi)自己的決心。

還有些美國公民，他們中很多人身居高位，在大多數(shù)情況下還糊里糊涂地協(xié)助和幫助那些中介者的工作。我并不是指責(zé)那些美國人與外國代理人勾結(jié)在一起，但要譴責(zé)他們做那些獨(dú)裁者正想在美國做的事情。那些人僅認(rèn)為我們能夠?qū)λ麌拿\(yùn)視而不見以求明哲保身。更有甚者認(rèn)為我們可以也應(yīng)該成為軸心國的朋友甚至伙伴。有些人甚至建議我們應(yīng)該效仿獨(dú)裁國家的做法，但美國人永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)也不愿意那樣做。

過去兩年的經(jīng)歷毫無疑問地證明，任何國家都平息不了納粹分子。誰也不能靠撫摸一只老虎就把它馴服成小貓。對(duì)殘暴行為是不能姑息的，也無法和一顆燃燒彈講道理。

現(xiàn)在我們知道，一個(gè)國家只有徹底投降才能夠同納粹分子和平共處。即使意大利人民被迫與納粹同盟，但此刻它們也不知道多久之后會(huì)被它們的同盟者扼殺。美國的綏靖主義者對(duì)奧地利、捷克斯洛伐克、波蘭、挪威、比利時(shí)、荷蘭、丹麥和法國的命運(yùn)所發(fā)出的警告視而不見。他們會(huì)說不管怎樣軸心國都會(huì)勝利，全世界的殺戮會(huì)被制止，美國也同樣可以介入所謂的和平，并發(fā)揮最大的作用。他們稱之為“協(xié)商和平”。這簡(jiǎn)直就是胡說八道!如果一幫歹徒包圍了你們的社區(qū)，然后架著刀子來讓你對(duì)得以自保感天謝地，難道那樣是協(xié)商和平嗎?如果是這樣的所謂的和平，那么就根本不會(huì)和平。那只是另一種形式的?；?，只會(huì)導(dǎo)致歷史上最龐大的軍備競(jìng)賽和最令人震驚的貿(mào)易大戰(zhàn)。在這些競(jìng)賽中，美國人民會(huì)對(duì)軸心國進(jìn)行一次真正的抵抗。

他們自負(fù)于自己的效率，吹噓在這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中虛偽的目的，但在他們的背后仍然有集中營和被囚禁的牧師。最近幾年來的歷史證明：槍殺、鐐銬和集中營不僅僅是現(xiàn)代獨(dú)裁者的權(quán)宜之計(jì)，他們已將此奉若神明。也許，他們?cè)诳陬^上還奢談世界“新秩序”，而他們內(nèi)心想的只是恢復(fù)最古老、最野蠻的暴政——沒有自由，沒有宗教信仰，沒有希望。他們提出的“新秩序”恰與所謂的“歐洲聯(lián)合國”或“亞洲聯(lián)合國”背道而馳。這類政府的建立沒有經(jīng)過被統(tǒng)治者的認(rèn)可。這類政府也不是一個(gè)由具有自尊心的普通人所組成的、用來保護(hù)自己、讓自由和尊嚴(yán)免遭壓迫的聯(lián)盟。它是一個(gè)邪惡的企圖統(tǒng)治和奴役人類的政權(quán)與財(cái)團(tuán)的聯(lián)盟。

今天的英國人民和他們的盟友正在為反抗這一邪惡的同盟而奮戰(zhàn)。我們將來的安全在很大程度上取決于這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗的結(jié)果。我們能否有能力“置身于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之外”將受到這個(gè)結(jié)果的影響。思考今天，展望未來，我直言不諱地告訴美國人民，美國要想盡可能不卷入這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，現(xiàn)在就要不遺余力地支持那些正在保衛(wèi)自己抗擊軸心國的國家，不能對(duì)它們的失敗袖手旁觀。也不能屈服于軸心國的勝利，等待它在下一次戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中對(duì)我們發(fā)起進(jìn)攻。

實(shí)事求是地講，我們必須承認(rèn)，我們采取的任何方針都有風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。但是我深信我國絕大多數(shù)人都會(huì)同意我所提議的方針。這個(gè)方針是現(xiàn)在風(fēng)險(xiǎn)最小的，將來會(huì)給世界和平帶來最大的希望。歐洲人民正在自衛(wèi)，并不要求我們幫他們打仗。他們要求我們供給作戰(zhàn)工具，飛機(jī)、坦克、大炮、貨船，使他們能為自己的自由和我們的安全而戰(zhàn)。我要強(qiáng)調(diào)的是，我們必須盡快向他們提供數(shù)量充足的武器，這樣，我們和我們的孩子就不必承受別人已經(jīng)遭受的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)傷痛。

別讓失敗主義者來告訴我們?yōu)闀r(shí)已晚。不要拖到明天，現(xiàn)在正是時(shí)候。

有些事實(shí)是不言自明的。

從軍事上說，大不列顛和不列顛帝國今天是抵抗世界征服行動(dòng)的先遣部隊(duì)。他們正在浴血奮戰(zhàn)，將在人類英勇行為的歷史上永垂不朽。他們并不要求美國派遠(yuǎn)征軍到國外去。你們政府的任何官員也不想派出這樣一支軍隊(duì)。所以，這就揭露出任何關(guān)于派兵去歐洲的謠傳都是故意捏造的。我們國家的政策并非走向戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，其唯一目的是讓我們的國家和人民遠(yuǎn)離戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

民主制度對(duì)抗世界征服的斗爭(zhēng)正得到巨大援助，而且必須得到更多的幫助。美國重整軍備，并把我們盡可能省下來的每一兩、每一噸軍火和供給品送去幫助在前線的防衛(wèi)部隊(duì)。我們這種做法并不比瑞典、俄羅斯和與德國為鄰的其他國家天天把鋼鐵、礦砂、石油和其他作戰(zhàn)物資運(yùn)到德國去的做法更有違中立。

我們正在十萬火急地制訂本國的防衛(wèi)計(jì)劃。在這個(gè)規(guī)模龐大的計(jì)劃中，我們必須把英國和其他抵抗侵略的自由國家在作戰(zhàn)方面的種種需要也包括在內(nèi)。這與情感或具爭(zhēng)議的個(gè)人意見無關(guān)。這是一個(gè)務(wù)實(shí)的實(shí)用軍事策略，是以熟知這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的軍事專家們提供的建議作為基礎(chǔ)的。這些軍事專家、海軍專家、議員和行政官員只有一個(gè)目標(biāo)——保衛(wèi)美國。

這個(gè)國家正盡一切努力并用最快的速度來生產(chǎn)所有急需物品。這樣的努力需要做出巨大的犧牲。我不會(huì)讓任何人來保衛(wèi)民主，因?yàn)槊裰饕膊粫?huì)保護(hù)國家的每個(gè)公民免受貧窮和貧困。即使政府無法維護(hù)公民的經(jīng)濟(jì)福利，國力也不能衰弱。如果我們的生產(chǎn)力受制于機(jī)器，那么你們一定要記住這些機(jī)器依靠工人的技術(shù)和體力來進(jìn)行操作。

正如政府一心維護(hù)工人的權(quán)利，國家也有權(quán)要求操縱機(jī)器的工人對(duì)防衛(wèi)急需品負(fù)起全責(zé)。與工程師、經(jīng)理或是店主一樣，工人也有個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)、有權(quán)捍衛(wèi)自己的地位，因?yàn)楣と藗兛梢蕴峁┤肆砩a(chǎn)出驅(qū)逐艦、飛機(jī)和坦克。國家希望我們的國防工業(yè)持續(xù)運(yùn)作，不受罷工或停工的干擾。國家也要求并堅(jiān)持管理者和工人能用自愿的或合法的手段調(diào)和矛盾來持續(xù)生產(chǎn)急需供給品。如你所知，在大規(guī)模防御計(jì)劃的經(jīng)濟(jì)方面，我們正盡最大努力來維持物價(jià)以穩(wěn)定生活成本。

九天前，我宣布建立一個(gè)更高效的組織來指導(dǎo)我們更加努力地提高軍需品的產(chǎn)量。巨款的大量撥付，防御的嚴(yán)密布置，這些還遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠。槍支、飛機(jī)、輪船和許多其他物資必須由美國的工廠和兵工廠生產(chǎn)。它們必須由工人、管理者和工程師依靠機(jī)器來生產(chǎn)，而機(jī)器也必須要由全國成百上千的工人生產(chǎn)。

政府與工業(yè)和勞動(dòng)力之間已經(jīng)有了杰出的合作，這讓我十分感激。美國工業(yè)界的天才解決生產(chǎn)問題的能力舉世無雙，他們已被喚起，將以其聰明才智在戰(zhàn)斗中一展風(fēng)采。手表廠、農(nóng)具廠、成型活字鑄造廠、現(xiàn)金出納機(jī)廠、縫紉機(jī)廠、割草機(jī)廠和機(jī)車制造廠等等，現(xiàn)在紛紛轉(zhuǎn)而生產(chǎn)導(dǎo)火線、炸藥箱、望遠(yuǎn)鏡底座、炮彈、手槍和坦克。

但是我們目前的一切努力還不夠，我們必須有更多的船只、更多的槍炮、更多的飛機(jī)，更多的一切物品。我們只有摒棄“照常辦事”的觀念，才能達(dá)到上述目標(biāo)。僅僅依靠現(xiàn)有的生產(chǎn)設(shè)備，附加一些國防的需要是不能實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)的。我們的防衛(wèi)努力絕不能因?yàn)槟切?dān)心將來工廠生產(chǎn)能力過剩的人而受到阻礙。而我們目前的防衛(wèi)努力若是失敗，其后果才更令人擔(dān)憂。當(dāng)目前的國防需求不再的時(shí)候，對(duì)國家和平時(shí)期需求的正確處理將需要全新的生產(chǎn)能力，如果不是更多的話。任何對(duì)美國前途悲觀的政策都會(huì)耽誤國防所需各種工業(yè)的立即擴(kuò)展。

我想讓大家明白，我們的目的是現(xiàn)在盡快建立我們需要用來制造國防物資的每部機(jī)器、每個(gè)兵工廠、每個(gè)工廠。我們具備這種人員、這種技術(shù)、這種財(cái)富，尤其是這種決心。我確信，如果某些工業(yè)需要使用國防方面所需的機(jī)器和原料去生產(chǎn)消費(fèi)品和奢侈品，那么這種生產(chǎn)必須而且應(yīng)該心甘情愿地讓步于我們主要的和緊急的目標(biāo)。因此我號(hào)召工廠的所有者、經(jīng)理、工人、我們自己的政府官員把點(diǎn)滴的努力都用于生產(chǎn)軍火。要迅速，要不遺余力。同時(shí)，我也向你們保證，我們所有政府官員也將同樣全心全意地獻(xiàn)身于當(dāng)前這項(xiàng)艱巨的任務(wù)。

飛機(jī)、軍艦、大炮和炮彈生產(chǎn)出來之后，你們的政府和國防專家就能決定如何最妥當(dāng)?shù)厥褂盟鼈儊肀Ｐl(wèi)這個(gè)半球。必須根據(jù)我們?nèi)娴能娛滦枰?，來決定把多少運(yùn)到國外，多少留在國內(nèi)。

我們必須成為民主國家的兵工廠。

對(duì)我們來說，這是一項(xiàng)同戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身一樣嚴(yán)肅的緊急任務(wù)。我們必須以如同親身作戰(zhàn)一樣的決心、一樣的迫切心情、一樣的愛國和犧牲的精神，來致力于完成我們的任務(wù)。我們已經(jīng)提供給英國人巨大的物資支持，在未來我們還會(huì)提供更多。我們協(xié)助大不列顛的決心沒有瓶頸。沒有一個(gè)獨(dú)裁者或獨(dú)裁者聯(lián)盟能夠威脅我們，以削弱我們的決心。

英國人已從英勇的希臘軍隊(duì)和其他流亡政府軍那里獲得了無價(jià)的軍事幫助，他們的實(shí)力在增強(qiáng)。這股力量是來自那些珍視自由重于生命的人們。

基于最新和最詳細(xì)的情報(bào)，我相信軸心國不會(huì)在這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中獲勝。

我們不要為失敗主義尋找借口。我們有充分的理由期盼和平，是的，期盼我們的文明得到保衛(wèi)，期盼在未來建設(shè)一個(gè)更好的文明。我深信，美國人民現(xiàn)在正堅(jiān)定不移地以前所未有的努力來增加各種防衛(wèi)物資的生產(chǎn)，迎擊我們民主信仰所受到的威脅。

作為合眾國總統(tǒng)，我號(hào)召全民努力。我以這個(gè)國家的名義發(fā)出這個(gè)號(hào)召，因?yàn)槲覀儫釔圻@個(gè)國家，尊敬這個(gè)國家。能為這個(gè)國家服務(wù)，我們感到榮幸和自豪。我以絕對(duì)的自信號(hào)召我們的人民取得巨大的成功。