羅斯福于1941年在白宮發(fā)表演講

羅斯福于1941年在白宮發(fā)表演講 英文版

On the War in Europe

March 15, 1941

This dinner of the White House Correspondents’ Associational is unique. It is the first one at which I have made a speech in all these—eight years. It differs from the press conferences that you and I hold twice a week, for you cannot ask me any questions tonight; and everything that I have to say is word for word on the record.

For eight years you and I have been helping each other. I have been trying to keep you informed of the news of Washington, of the Nation, and of the world, from the point of view of the Presidency. You, more than you realize, have been giving me a great ducal of information about what the people of this country are finking and saying.

In our press conferences, as at this client tonight, we include reporters representing papers and news agencies of many other lands. To most of them it is a matter of constant amazement that press conferences such as ours can exist in any Nation in the world. That is especially true in those lands where freedoms do not exist—where the purposes of our democracy and the characteristics country and of our people have been seriously distorted.

Lich misunderstandings are not new. I remember that, a quarter of a century ago, in the early days of the first World War, the German Government received solemn assurances from their representatives in the United States that the people of America were disunited; that they cared more for peace at any price than for the preservation of ideals and freedom; that there would even be riots and revolutions in the United States if this Nation ever asserted its own interests. Let not dictators of Europe or Asia doubt our unanimity now.

Before the present war broke out on September 1, 1939, I was more worried about the future than many people—indeed, than most people. The record shows that l was not worried enough. That, however, is water over the dam. Do not us waste time in reviewing the past, or fixing or dredging the blame for it? History cannot be rewritten by wishful thinking. We, the American people, are writing new history today.

The big news story of this week is this: The world has been told that we, as a united Nation, realize the danger that confronts us and that to meet that danger our democracy has gone into action.

We know that although Prussian auto was bad enough in the first war, Nazism is far worse in this. Nazi seeks in modification in colonial maps orcas are not song mere inions iron in minor European boundaries. They openly seek the destruction of all elective systems of government on every continent—including our own; they seek to establish systems of government based on the regimentation of all human beings by a handful of individual rulers who have seized power by force. Yes, these men and their hypnotized followers call this a new order. It is not new and it is not order. For ordered among Nations presupposes something enduring—some system of justice under which individuals, over a long period of time, are willing to live. Humanity will never permanently accept a system imposed by conquest and based on slavery.

These modern tyrants find it necessary to their plans to criminate all democracies—eliminate them one by one. The Nations of Europe, and indeed we ourselves, did not appreciate that purpose. We do now. The process of the elimination of the European Nations proceeded according to plan through 1939 and well into 1940, until the schedule was shot to pieces by the unbeatable of Britain deface he enemies of democracy were wrong in their calculations for a very simple reabsorb.

They were wrong because they believed that democracy could not adjust itself to the terrible reality of a world at war. They believed that decoy, because of its profound accuracy respect for the rights of man, would never arm itself to fight. They believed that democracy, because of its will to live at peace with its neighbors, could not mobilize its energies even in its own defense.

They know now that democracy can still remain democracy. And curacy speaks, reach conclusions, and arm itself adequately for defense.

From the bureaus of propaganda of the Axis powers came the confident prophecy that the conquest of our country would be “an inside job”—a job accomplished not by overpowering invasion from without, but by disrupting confusion and disunion and moral disintegration from within.

Those who believed that knew little of our history. America is not a country which can be confounded by the, the defeatists, the backstairs manufacturers of panic. It is a country that talks out its problems in the open, where any man can hear them.

We have just now engaged in a great debate. It was not limited to the halls of Congress. It was argued in every newspaper, on every wave length, over every cracker barrel in all the land, and it was finally settled and decided by the American people themselves.

Yes, the decisions of our democracy may be slowly arrived at. But when that decision is made, it is proclaimed not with the voice of any one man but with the voice of one hundred and thirty millions. It is binding on us all. And the world is no longer left in doubt. This decision is the end of any attempts at appeasement in our land; the end of urging us to get along with dictators; the end of compromise with tyranny and the forces of oppression.

And the urgency is now. We believe firmly that when our production output is in full swing, the democracies of the world will be able to prove that dictatorships cannot win. But now—now the time element is of supreme importance.

Every plane, every other instrument of war, old and new, Every instrument that we can spare now, we will send overseas because that is the common sense of strategy. The great task of this day, the deep duty that rests upon each and every one of us is to move products from the assembly lines of our factories to the battle lines of democracy—now.

We can have speed, we can have effectiveness, if we maintain our existing unity. We do not have and never will have the false unity of a people browbeaten by threats, misled by propaganda. Ours is a unity that is possible only among free men and women who recognize the truth and face reality with intelligence and courage.

Today at last—today at long last—ours is not a partial effort. It is a total effort and that is the only way to guarantee ate safety. Ultimo Beginning a year ago, we started the erection of hundreds of plants; we started the training of millions of men.

Then, at the moment that the Aid to Democracies Bill was passed, this week, we were ready to recommend the seven-billion-dollar appropriation on the basis of capacity production as now planned. The articles themselves cover the whole range of munitions of war and of the facilities for transporting them across the seas. The Aid to Democracies Bill warded. Congress last Tuesday afternoon, I signed it one half hour later. Five minutes after that I approved a list of articles for immediate shipment; and today—Saturday night—many of them are on their way. On Wednesday, I recommended an appropriation for new material to the extent of seven billion dollars; and the Congress is making patriotic speed in making the money available.

Here in Washington, we are thinking in terms of speed and speed now. And I hope that watchword “Speed, and speed now”—will find its way into every home in the Nitwit shall have to make sacrifices—every one of us. The final extent of those sacrifices will depend on the speed with which we act.

Now, must tell you tonight in plain language what this undertaking to you—to you in your daily life. Mean whether you are in the armed services; whether you are a steel worker or a stevedore; a machinist or a housewife; a farmer or a banker; a storekeeper or a manufacturer—to all of you it will mean sacrifice in behalf of your country and your liberties. Yes, you will feel the impact of this gigantic effort in your daily lives. You will feel it in a way that will cause to you, many inconveniences.

Profits, to profits You will have to be content with lower power business because obviously your taxes will be higher Formby vow will have to work longer at your bench, or your power machine, or your desk, or let me make it clear that the Nation is calling face the sacrifice of some privileges, not for the sacrifice of fundamental rights. And most of us will do it willingly. That kind of sacrifice is for the common national protection and welfare; for our defense against the most ruthless brutality in all history; for the ultimate victory of a way of life now so violently menaced.

A half hearted effort on our part will lead to failure. This is no part-time job. The concepts of “business as usual,” of “normalcy,” must be forgotten until the task is finished. Yes, it is an all-out effort—and nothing short of an all-out effort will win. Therefore, we are dedicated, from here on, to a constantly increasing tempo of production—a production greater than we now know or have ever known before—a production that does not stop and should not pause.

Tonight, I am appealing to the heart and to the mind of every man and every woman within our borders who loves liberty. I ask you to consider the needs of our Nation and this hour to put aside all personal differences until the victory is wick.

The light of democracy must be kept burning. To the perpetuation of this light, each of us must do his own share. The single effort of one individual may seem very small. But there are 130 million individuals over here. And there are many more millions in Britain and elsewhere bravely shielding the great flame of democracy from the blackout of barbarism. It is not enough for us merely to trim the wick, or polish the glass. The time has come when we must provide the fuel in ever-increasing amounts to keep that flame alight.

There will be no divisions of part sector nationality or try or race, There is not one among us who does not have a stake in the new of the effort in which we are now engaged.

Few weeks ago I spoke of four freedoms—freedom of speech and expression, freedom of every person to worship God in his own way, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. They are the ultimate stake. They may not be immediately attainable throughout the world but humanity does move toward those glorious ideals through democratic processes. And if we fail—if democracy is superseded by slavery—then those four freedoms, or even the mention of them will become forbidden things. Centuries will pass before they can be revived.

By winning now, we strengthen the meaning of those freedoms, increase the stature of mankind, we establish dignity of human life.

I have often thought that there is a vast difference between the word “loyalty” and the word “obedience”. Obedience can be obtained and enforced in a dictatorship by the use of threat or extortion or blackmail or it can be obtained by a failure on the part of government to tell the truth to its citizens. Loyalty is different. It springs from the mind that is given the facts, that retains ancient ideals and proceeds without coercion to give support to its own government.

That is true in England and in Greece and in China and in the United States, today, and in many other countries millions of men and women are praying for the return of a day when they can give that kind of loyalty.

Loyalty cannot be bought. Dollars alone will not win this war.

Let us not delude ourselves as to that.

Today, nearly a million and a half American citizens are hard at work in our armed forces, the spirit—the determination of these men of our Army and Navy are worthy of the highest traditions of our country. No better men ever served under Washington or John Paul Jones or Grant or Lee or Pershing. That is a boast, I admit but it is not an idle one.

Upon the national will to sacrifice and to work depends the output of our industry and our agriculture.

Upon that will depends the survival of the vital bridge across the ocean—the bridge of ships that carry the arms and the food for those who are fighting the good fight.

Upon that will depends our ability to aid other Nations which may determine to offer resistance?

Upon that will may depend practical assistance to people now living in Nations that have been overrun, should? They find the opportunity to strike back in an effort to regain their liberties and may that day come soon!

This will of the American people will not be frustrated, either by threats from powerful enemies abroad or by small, selfish groups or individuals at home.

The determination of America must not and will not be oobstructed by war profiteering. It must not be obstructed by unnecessary strikes of workers, by shortsighted management, or by the third danger—deliberate sabotage.

For, unless we win there will be no freedom for either management or labor. Wise labor leaders and wise business managers will realize how necessary it is to their own existence to make common sacrifice for this great common cause.

There is no longer the slightest question or doubt that the American people recognize the extreme seriousness of the present situation.That is why they have demanded, and got, a policy of unqualified, immediate, all-out aid for Britain, for Greece, for China, and for all the Governments in exile whose homelands are temporarily occupied by the aggressors. And from now on that aid will be increased—and yet again increased—until total victory has been won. The British are stronger than ever in the magnificent morale that has enabled them to endure all the dark days and the shattered nights of the past ten months. They have the full support and help of Canada, of the other Dominions, of the rest of their Empire, and the full aid and support of non-British people throughout the world who still think in terms of the great freedoms.

The British people are braced for invasion whenever such attempt may come—tomorrow—next week—next month.

In this historic crisis, Britain is blessed with a brilliant and great leader in Winston Churchill. But, no one knows better than Mr. Churchill himself that it is not alone his stirring words and valiant deeds that give the British their super morale. The essence of that morale is in the masses of plain people who are impolitely clear in their minds about the one essential fact—that they would rather die as free men than live as slaves.

These plain people—civilians as well as soldiers and sailors and airmen, women and girls as well as men and boys—they are fighting in the front line of civilization at this moment, and they are holding that line with a fortitude that will forever be the pride and the inspiration of all free men on every continent, on every isle of the sea.

The British people and their Grecian allies need ships. From America, they will get ships. They will get planes. From America they need food. They need planes. From America food. From America, they will get. They need tanks and guns and ammunition and supplies of all kinds. From America, they will get tanks and guns and ammunitions and supplies of all kinds.

China likewise expresses the magnificent will of millions of plain people to resist the dismemberment of their historic Nation. China, through the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, asks our help. America has said that China shall have our help.

And so our country is going to be what our people have proclaimed it must be the arsenal of democracy. Our country is going to play its full part.

And when I didn’t say if, I said when—dictatorships disintegrate—and pray God that will be sooner than any of us now dares to hope— then our country must continue to play its great part in the period of world reconstruction for the good of humanity.

We believe that the rallying cry of the dictators, their boasting about a master-race stuff and nonsense. There never, will prove to be pure has been, there isn’t now, and there never will be, any race of people on the earth fit to serve airs over their fellow men, master. The world has no use for any Nation which, because of size or because of military might, asserts the right to goosestep to world power over the bodies of other Nations or other races. We believe that any nationality, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood.

We believe that the men and women of such Nations, no matter what size, can, through the processes of peace, serve themselves and serve the world by protecting the common man’s security; improve the standards of healthful living; provide markets for manufacture and for agriculture. Through that kind of peaceful service every Nation can increase its happiness, banish the terrors of war, and abandon man’s inhumanity to man.

Never, in all our history, have Americans faced a job so well worthwhile. May it be said of us in the days.

羅斯福于1941年在白宮發(fā)表演講 中文版

論歐洲的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)

1941年3月15日

白宮記者協(xié)會(huì)的宴會(huì)是獨(dú)一無二的。這是我這八年來第一次在宴席上發(fā)表演說。比起我們每周兩次的記者招待會(huì)，今天的演說將有所不同，因?yàn)榻裢砟銈儾荒芟蛭姨釂?，而我不得不說的每一個(gè)字都會(huì)被記錄在案。

八年以來，我和你們互相幫助，我一直盡力讓你們知道，作為美國(guó)總統(tǒng)我對(duì)華盛頓、美國(guó)乃至世界上的事情所持的態(tài)度。你們一直以來也給予我大量關(guān)于美國(guó)人民所思所言的信息，比你們意識(shí)到的要多得多。

來自其他國(guó)家的報(bào)紙和通訊社的記者們，也像參加今晚的宴席一樣，出席我們的記者招待會(huì)。他們中絕大部分人都始終感到吃驚，因?yàn)槭澜缟暇尤淮嬖谙裎覀冞@樣的記者招待會(huì)。在那些國(guó)家，確實(shí)毫無自由可言。在那里，我們所謂民主的目的、國(guó)家和人民的性質(zhì)已經(jīng)被嚴(yán)重扭曲了。

這樣的誤解并不新鮮。我記得二十五年前，第一次世界大戰(zhàn)之初，德國(guó)政府從他們的駐美代表那里得到嚴(yán)正確認(rèn)：美國(guó)人民已經(jīng)是一盤散沙，他們?yōu)榱撕推剑瑢幵阜艞壚硐肱c自由，一旦美國(guó)起來為維護(hù)自身利益參戰(zhàn)，暴動(dòng)和革命就會(huì)發(fā)生?，F(xiàn)在不要讓歐洲或者亞洲的獨(dú)裁者們懷疑我們的團(tuán)結(jié)一致。

在1939年9月1日這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)爆發(fā)之前，我比許多人,事實(shí)上是比絕大部分人，更擔(dān)心戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的前景。歷史證明我當(dāng)時(shí)的擔(dān)心還是不足夠的。然而這已經(jīng)無法挽回了。我們無需浪費(fèi)時(shí)間緬懷歷史，或者彌補(bǔ)或者逃避責(zé)任。歷史不會(huì)因?yàn)橐粠樵付桓膶憽＝裉煳覀兠绹?guó)人民正在書寫新的歷史。

這個(gè)星期的新聞大事是：全世界都將知道，美國(guó)作為一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)的民族，已經(jīng)意識(shí)到我們所面臨的危機(jī)，并且這個(gè)民主國(guó)家已采取行動(dòng)來應(yīng)對(duì)危機(jī)。

盡管我們知道普魯士獨(dú)裁在第一次世界大戰(zhàn)中已經(jīng)極其邪惡，但納粹主義在這次戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中更是變本加厲。納粹軍隊(duì)期望的不是殖民地圖的些許改變或是歐洲版圖的稍稍變化。他們公然要摧毀每一塊大陸上的所有由選舉產(chǎn)生的政府體系，也包括我們的在內(nèi);他們?cè)噲D建立的政府組織體系是由一小撮以武力攫取權(quán)力的獨(dú)裁者來統(tǒng)治全人類。是的，納粹及其盲從者稱之為新秩序。這種秩序并不新，也談不上是秩序。因?yàn)閲?guó)際秩序必須以某種持之以恒的東西為先決條件，也就是說在某種合理制度下，人們?cè)敢忾L(zhǎng)久生存下去。人類絕不可能永遠(yuǎn)接受依靠強(qiáng)權(quán)和建立在奴役上的制度。

這些當(dāng)代暴君認(rèn)為要實(shí)施他們的計(jì)劃，就必須一個(gè)接著一個(gè)根除民主制度。歐洲國(guó)家實(shí)際上也包括我們?cè)趦?nèi)，對(duì)此不敢茍同?，F(xiàn)在我們一直在采取行動(dòng)。按照他們覆滅歐洲國(guó)家的計(jì)劃，應(yīng)是在1939年展開，1940年深入，然而這一計(jì)劃被不列顛不可戰(zhàn)勝的保衛(wèi)者粉碎。

民主制度的敵人打錯(cuò)了算盤，因?yàn)橐粋€(gè)很簡(jiǎn)單的理由：他們錯(cuò)以為民主國(guó)家難以應(yīng)付世界大戰(zhàn)中的混亂局面。他們錯(cuò)以為民主國(guó)家對(duì)人權(quán)高度尊重，就不會(huì)武裝起來反抗。他們錯(cuò)以為民主國(guó)家期望與鄰國(guó)和睦相處，就算為了自衛(wèi)也不會(huì)動(dòng)員有生力量。

現(xiàn)在他們知道，民主國(guó)家仍然可以保持民主，可以說話，可以做出結(jié)論，可以通過充分武裝來保衛(wèi)自己。

軸心國(guó)宣傳部門有這樣一個(gè)自信滿滿的預(yù)言，說是征服美國(guó)將是一個(gè)“內(nèi)部任務(wù)”。這項(xiàng)任務(wù)不是靠來自外部的排山倒海式的侵略來完成，而是靠來自內(nèi)部的，讓人惶惶不可終日的混亂、分裂和道德崩潰來完成。

相信這個(gè)預(yù)言的人們太不了解我們的歷史。美國(guó)可不是一個(gè)可以被綏靖主義者、失敗主義者和恐慌的秘密締造者所能擊敗的國(guó)度。這個(gè)國(guó)家可以公開談?wù)搯栴}，任何人都可以聽到。

我們剛剛卷入一場(chǎng)巨大的爭(zhēng)論之中。這場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論不只發(fā)生在國(guó)會(huì)大廳之內(nèi)。在每一張報(bào)紙上，在每一個(gè)電臺(tái)里，在全國(guó)的每一個(gè)地方都有這樣的爭(zhēng)論。爭(zhēng)論的最終平息和結(jié)果都是依靠美國(guó)人民自己。

是的，民主國(guó)家的抉擇可能來得遲些。但是一旦有了決定，這個(gè)決定不是由一個(gè)聲音來宣布，而是由一億三千萬個(gè)聲音來共同宣布。這個(gè)決定約束我們所有人，而世界也不再對(duì)此感到疑慮。這個(gè)決定宣告了在這片土地上任何綏靖主義的終結(jié)，宣告任何勸服我們與獨(dú)裁者和睦相處，與暴行、壓迫妥協(xié)的計(jì)劃的破產(chǎn)。

眼下已是迫在眉睫。我們堅(jiān)信一旦我們的行動(dòng)全面實(shí)施，世界上的民主國(guó)家將有能力證明獨(dú)裁不可能獲勝。但是現(xiàn)在，就在現(xiàn)在，時(shí)間至關(guān)重要。

每一架飛機(jī)，其他每一件戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)裝備，無論新舊，只要我們現(xiàn)在能夠拿出來的每一件，都要派往海外，因?yàn)槟鞘菓?zhàn)略常識(shí)。今天的重大任務(wù)，我們每一個(gè)人身上的重大職責(zé)就是將我們工廠流水線上的產(chǎn)品運(yùn)輸?shù)矫裰鲬?zhàn)線上去——就在現(xiàn)在!

我們可以有速度，我們也可以有效率，只要我們堅(jiān)持現(xiàn)有的團(tuán)結(jié)。我們沒有也不會(huì)有那種被威脅所逼迫、被宣傳所誤導(dǎo)的所謂團(tuán)結(jié)一致。我們的團(tuán)結(jié)只存在于那些可以以智慧和勇氣辨認(rèn)虛假、面對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)的自由的人民之中。

今天終于——今天我們終于——我們的努力沒有任何保留。我們必須不遺余力，因?yàn)檫@是我們保證最終安全的唯一途徑。一年以前，我們著手建立成百上千個(gè)工廠，開始培訓(xùn)數(shù)以百萬計(jì)的人員。

然后，就在《資助民主國(guó)家法案》通過之后不久，這個(gè)星期我們已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備按照現(xiàn)在計(jì)劃的產(chǎn)量，建議撥付7億美元。僅這些物資就囊括了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)軍火以及運(yùn)輸它們穿越海峽的裝備。上個(gè)星期二下午，《資助民主國(guó)家法案》被上下兩院批準(zhǔn)。一個(gè)半小時(shí)后，我簽署同意。五分鐘后，我批準(zhǔn)一系列物資緊急運(yùn)輸。今天，星期六晚上，其中許多物資已經(jīng)在路上了。星期三的時(shí)候，我還建議在7億美元之外，另行撥款用以購(gòu)買新的物資，而國(guó)會(huì)正以愛國(guó)者的速度運(yùn)作來?yè)芨哆@一筆新的款項(xiàng)。

在華盛頓，我們現(xiàn)在一切都為了速度考慮。我希望“一切為了速度”的口號(hào)可以深入千家萬戶。我們每一個(gè)人都必須做出犧牲。而最終犧牲多少就取決于我們現(xiàn)在行動(dòng)的速度。

今晚我必須明白無誤地告訴你們這一艱巨任務(wù)將對(duì)你們，將對(duì)你們的日常生活意味著什么。無論你是否在軍隊(duì)服役;無論你是鋼鐵工人，還是裝卸工人;無論你是機(jī)修工，還是家庭主婦;無論你是農(nóng)民，還是銀行家;無論你是小店主，還是制造商——對(duì)你們來說都意味著你們必須為你們的國(guó)家和你們的自由做出犧牲。是的，你們會(huì)在日常生活中體會(huì)到這種巨大努力帶來的影響。你們會(huì)感到那會(huì)給你們帶來很多不便之處。

你們將不得不忍受低收入，因?yàn)槟銈冿@然會(huì)繳更高的稅金。你們將不得不或在議員席上，或在犁具邊，或在機(jī)器旁，或在書桌邊工作更長(zhǎng)的時(shí)間。讓我澄清一點(diǎn)：國(guó)家呼吁的是犧牲某些特權(quán)，而并非犧牲基本權(quán)益。我們中的大多數(shù)人會(huì)心甘情愿地做出犧牲。這種犧牲是為了保衛(wèi)國(guó)家，維護(hù)民眾的福利，是為了抵制有史以來最為慘無人道的暴行，是為了我們正遭受嚴(yán)重威脅的生活方式贏得最終勝利。

如果我們懶懶散散，失敗將是注定的。這不是兼職。所謂“一如既往”或者“一切正常”的概念必須被拋諸腦后直至勝利。是的，我們必須全情投入，否則，我們難以成功。因此，從此刻起，我們要獻(xiàn)身于效率不斷提高的生產(chǎn)力。這種生產(chǎn)規(guī)模遠(yuǎn)大于我們現(xiàn)在所知道的或者說是前所未有的，它要一刻不停也不該停下來。

今晚，我向我們領(lǐng)土上熱愛自由的每一位先生和女士的內(nèi)心發(fā)出請(qǐng)求。我請(qǐng)求你們考慮我們國(guó)家的需要，就在這個(gè)時(shí)刻，請(qǐng)大家在取得最后的勝利前摒棄所有私人分歧。

民主之光必須保持不滅。為了民主之光的永存，我們每一個(gè)人都必須盡自己的一份力。單獨(dú)一人的努力可能很不起眼，但是我們這里有一億三千萬人。而在英國(guó)和其他地方有更多的人正在英勇地抵制野蠻行徑的封鎖以保護(hù)民主的萬丈光芒。我們不只是剪剪燈芯，或者擦擦玻璃就夠了。這一次我們必須提供越來越多的燃料來維持火焰永不熄滅。

為此，我們沒有黨派、階層、種族、國(guó)籍、宗教之分。我們之中沒有人可以不為我們現(xiàn)在投入的這項(xiàng)事業(yè)付出努力。

幾個(gè)星期之前，我曾經(jīng)說過四大自由——言論和表達(dá)的自由，個(gè)人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由，免于匱乏的自由，免于恐懼的自由。這些都是首要利益。要在全世界立即實(shí)現(xiàn)這些自由是不太可能的，但是通過民主進(jìn)程，人類確實(shí)在朝著那些光輝理想前進(jìn)。如果我們失敗——如果民主制度為奴隸制度所取代——那么這四大自由甚至連提及它們，也將成為禁忌。重獲自由恐怕要等上幾個(gè)世紀(jì)。

通過現(xiàn)有的勝利，我們加強(qiáng)了那些自由的意義，我們提升了人類的境界，我們也建立了人類生活的尊嚴(yán)。

我常常想“忠誠(chéng)”一詞與“順從”一詞之間有著天壤之別。順從可以在獨(dú)裁統(tǒng)治下通過威脅、敲詐、勒索等手段得到，或者作為政府卻無法告訴公民真相，而只能要求順從。忠誠(chéng)則不同。忠誠(chéng)發(fā)自心底，帶著某種古老的淳樸理想意味，因而無需任何強(qiáng)迫，忠誠(chéng)者會(huì)自發(fā)地支持自己的政府。

這些在今天的英國(guó)、希臘、中國(guó)和美國(guó)都是事實(shí)。并且在其他許多國(guó)家，數(shù)以百萬計(jì)的男男女女都在祈盼重獲那種忠誠(chéng)的一天。

忠誠(chéng)是買不來的。光靠金錢也無法贏得這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

我們不要自欺欺人。

今天，將近一百五十萬的美國(guó)公民在我們的兵工廠辛勤工作。這種精神——我們陸海軍的這種決心符合我們國(guó)家最高尚的傳統(tǒng)。沒有人比在華盛頓號(hào)，或者約翰·保羅·瓊斯號(hào)，或者格蘭特號(hào)，或者李號(hào)，或者潘興號(hào)上服役的戰(zhàn)士更優(yōu)秀。我承認(rèn)這是在夸下?？诘^不是光說不做。

做出犧牲、投入工作的國(guó)家意志決定了我們工業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)的產(chǎn)量。

這種意志決定了這座跨越海洋的重要橋梁得以幸存。那是船隊(duì)組成的橋梁，它們將武器和糧食運(yùn)送到戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)正義一方的手中。

這種意志決定了我們有多大能力去援助那些堅(jiān)持抵抗的其他國(guó)家。

這種意志決定了是否可以切實(shí)幫助那些被顛覆國(guó)家的人民。如果他們有機(jī)會(huì)努力反擊，就會(huì)重獲自由。期望這一天的早日來臨!

美國(guó)人民的意志絕不會(huì)因?yàn)閲?guó)外強(qiáng)大敵人的威脅，也不會(huì)因?yàn)閲?guó)內(nèi)那些渺小、自私的團(tuán)體或個(gè)人而受挫。

美國(guó)的決定不能也不會(huì)被戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)投機(jī)所阻礙。美國(guó)的決定也不能因?yàn)楹翢o必要的罷工，或者沒有遠(yuǎn)見的管理，或者第三種危險(xiǎn)——蓄意破壞而遭受阻礙。

因?yàn)槌俏覀儎倮?，否則無論對(duì)資方，還是對(duì)勞方，都毫無自由可言。明智的工人領(lǐng)袖和明智的企業(yè)經(jīng)理都會(huì)意識(shí)到這是為了他們自己的生存，才必須為這一共同的偉大事業(yè)做出共同的犧牲。

已經(jīng)無需再問或者懷疑，美國(guó)人民承認(rèn)目前的狀況已經(jīng)極端嚴(yán)重。這就是為什么他們已經(jīng)要求并且已經(jīng)得到一個(gè)無條件的、立即行動(dòng)的、全面展開的援助政策，去幫助英國(guó)、希臘、中國(guó)以及所有那些國(guó)土?xí)簳r(shí)被侵略者占領(lǐng)而流亡的政府。并且從現(xiàn)在開始，這樣的援助將被增加——甚至一而再地被增加——直到取得完全的勝利。英國(guó)人憑借卓絕的士氣在過去的十個(gè)月里忍受所有的暗無天日的白天和令人心碎的黑夜，這也使得他們現(xiàn)在史無前例的強(qiáng)大。加拿大、其他領(lǐng)地、帝國(guó)的其他版圖、其他非大不列顛國(guó)家的人民給予英國(guó)全力支持和幫助，因?yàn)樗麄內(nèi)匀黄谂蝹ゴ蟮淖杂伞?/p>

英國(guó)人民已經(jīng)做好了隨時(shí)應(yīng)對(duì)侵略的準(zhǔn)備，無論這種企圖是明天，還是下周或是下個(gè)月發(fā)生。

在這次的歷史危機(jī)中，英國(guó)很幸運(yùn)，因?yàn)樗幸晃桓呙鞫鴤ゴ蟮念I(lǐng)袖溫斯頓·丘吉爾。然而，了解他的人知道，沒有人比丘吉爾先生本人更清楚這一點(diǎn)，并不僅僅是他激動(dòng)人心的言辭和英明果斷的決定賦予了英國(guó)超強(qiáng)的斗志。這種斗志的精華所在，就是廣大普通民眾內(nèi)心都非常清楚這一重要事實(shí)：寧可作為自由的人死去，也不愿作為奴隸活著。

這些普通民眾——百姓、士兵、海員和飛行員——男女老少，他們此刻都在文明抗?fàn)幍那熬€戰(zhàn)斗著，他們?cè)诙窢?zhēng)中憑借著堅(jiān)忍不拔的意志。這種意志將永遠(yuǎn)激勵(lì)、鼓舞世界上每一塊大陸、每一個(gè)海島上的自由人類。

英國(guó)人民和他們的希臘盟軍需要船只，他們會(huì)從美國(guó)得到船只;他們需要飛機(jī)，他們會(huì)從美國(guó)得到飛機(jī);他們需要從美國(guó)得到食物，他們會(huì)從美國(guó)得到食物;他們需要坦克、彈藥以及各種補(bǔ)給，他們會(huì)從美國(guó)得到坦克、彈藥以及各種補(bǔ)給。

與此同時(shí)，中國(guó)表現(xiàn)了強(qiáng)大意志，數(shù)百萬的普通民眾奮起抵抗，避免他們古老國(guó)家被肢解的命運(yùn)。中國(guó)通過他們的最高統(tǒng)帥蔣介石請(qǐng)求我們的幫助。美國(guó)已經(jīng)承諾，中國(guó)會(huì)得到我們的幫助。

因此，我們的國(guó)家將要成為我們的人民已經(jīng)宣告必須成為的那樣——成為民主的兵工廠。我們的國(guó)家將要全力以赴。

并且當(dāng)——不，我不是說如果，我是說當(dāng)獨(dú)裁統(tǒng)治瓦解——但愿上帝的計(jì)劃比我們現(xiàn)在敢于期待的更早——然后我們的國(guó)家就必須為了人類的福祉，在世界重建期間發(fā)揮巨大的作用。

我們相信，獨(dú)裁者的戰(zhàn)斗口號(hào)，他們關(guān)于優(yōu)等種族的自吹自擂，都會(huì)被證明是純粹胡說八道的玩意兒。在地球上從未有過，現(xiàn)在沒有，將來也不會(huì)有一個(gè)種族能夠做他同胞們的主人。世界上沒有任何一個(gè)國(guó)家，可以因?yàn)閲?guó)家大小，或者軍事實(shí)力，而正大光明地去攫取世界霸權(quán)，去奴役其他國(guó)家或種族。我們相信任何國(guó)家，無論有多小，作為一個(gè)獨(dú)立的國(guó)家都是天生的權(quán)利。

我們相信，這些國(guó)家的男男女女，無論國(guó)家大小，通過和平進(jìn)程，可以通過保護(hù)普通民眾的安全去為他們自己和世界服務(wù)，提高健康生活的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，提供制造業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)市場(chǎng)。通過這樣的和平服務(wù)，每一個(gè)國(guó)家都可以增加它的幸福感，驅(qū)除戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的恐懼，并消滅人們之間的殘暴行徑。

有史以來，美國(guó)人從來沒有面對(duì)過如此有意義的事業(yè)。但愿歷史會(huì)記住我們。