布什于2001年在白宮的第一次就職演講

布什于2001年在白宮的第一次就職演講 英文版

Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.

As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.

I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America’s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.

We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.

The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.

Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.

Through much of the last century, America’s faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.

Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.

While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.

We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.

I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.

And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.

America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.

Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation’s promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.

America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.

Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty, because in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.

But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.

We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.

America, at its best, is also courageous.

Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.

Together, we will reclaim America’s schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.

We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.

We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.

We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.

The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.

America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation’s promise.

And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.

And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.

Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.

Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.

And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor’s touch or a pastor’s prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.

Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.

And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.

Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.

We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.

Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.

Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.

I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.

In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.

What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.

Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.

After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”

Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation’s grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.

We are not this story’s author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.

Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.

This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.

God bless you all, and God bless America.

布什于2001年在白宮的第一次就職演講 中文版

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特總統(tǒng)，布什總統(tǒng)，克林頓總統(tǒng)，尊敬的來賓們，我的同胞們：

這次權(quán)利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的，但在美國(guó)是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)了古老的傳統(tǒng)，同時(shí)開始了新的歷程。

首先，我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個(gè)國(guó)家作出的貢獻(xiàn)，也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟?jìng)選過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。

站在這里我很榮幸，也有點(diǎn)受寵若驚。在我之前，許多美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里起步;在我之后，也會(huì)有許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。

在美國(guó)悠久的歷史中，我們每個(gè)人都有自己的位置。我們還在繼續(xù)推動(dòng)著歷史前進(jìn)，但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史，是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國(guó)由奴隸制社會(huì)發(fā)展成為崇尚自由社會(huì)的歷史。這是一個(gè)強(qiáng)國(guó)保護(hù)而不是占有世界的歷史，是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國(guó)史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史，但它是一部在偉大和永恒的理想指導(dǎo)下幾代人團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗的歷史。

這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實(shí)現(xiàn)的美國(guó)的承諾：每個(gè)人都有自身的價(jià)值，每個(gè)人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)，每個(gè)人天生都會(huì)有所作為。

美國(guó)人民肩負(fù)著一種使命，要竭力將這個(gè)諾言變成生活中和法律上的現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然我們的國(guó)家過去在追求實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)承諾的途中停滯不前甚至倒退，但我們?nèi)詫?jiān)定不移地完成這一使命。

在上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間里，美國(guó)自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石?，F(xiàn)在它更像風(fēng)中的種子，把自由帶給每個(gè)民族。

在我們的國(guó)家，民主不僅僅是一種信念，而是全人類的希望。民主，我們不會(huì)獨(dú)占，而會(huì)竭力讓大家分享。民主，我們將銘記于心，并且不斷傳播。225年過去了，我們?nèi)杂泻荛L(zhǎng)的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人開始懷疑，懷疑我們自己的國(guó)家所許下的諾言，甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育、潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國(guó)人的雄心。有時(shí)我們的分歧是如此之深，似乎我們雖身處同一個(gè)大陸，但不屬于同一個(gè)國(guó)家。

我們不能接受這種分歧，也無法允許它的存在。我們的團(tuán)結(jié)和統(tǒng)一是每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和每一個(gè)公民嚴(yán)肅的使命。在此我鄭重宣誓：我將竭力建設(shè)一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的統(tǒng)一國(guó)家。

我知道這是我們的目標(biāo)，因?yàn)樯系燮降鹊匕醋约旱囊庀騽?chuàng)造了我們，上帝高于一切的力量將引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)。

對(duì)這些將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則，我們充滿信心。

血緣、出身或地域從未將美國(guó)聯(lián)合起來。只有理想才能使我們心系一處，超越自我，放棄個(gè)人利益，并逐步領(lǐng)會(huì)何謂公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須學(xué)習(xí)這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持這些原則。每個(gè)移民只有接受這些原則，才能使我們的國(guó)家不喪失而更具美國(guó)特色。

今天，我們?cè)谶@里重申一個(gè)新的信念，即通過發(fā)揚(yáng)謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個(gè)性的精神來實(shí)現(xiàn)我們國(guó)家的理想。

美國(guó)在最鼎盛時(shí)期也沒忘記遵循謙遜有禮的原則。一個(gè)文明的社會(huì)需要我們每個(gè)人品質(zhì)優(yōu)良，尊重他人，為人公平和寬宏大量。

有人認(rèn)為我們的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因?yàn)樵诤推侥甏覀兯鶢?zhēng)論的話題都是無關(guān)緊要的。

但是，對(duì)美國(guó)來說，我們所討論的問題從來都不是小事。如果我們不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和平事業(yè)，那么和平將無人來領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。如果我們不引導(dǎo)我們的孩子們真心地?zé)釔壑R(shí)、發(fā)揮個(gè)性，他們的天分將得不到發(fā)揮，理想將難以實(shí)現(xiàn)。如果我們不采取適當(dāng)措施，任憑經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，最大的受害者將是平民百姓。

我們應(yīng)該時(shí)刻聽取時(shí)代的呼喚。謙遜有禮不是戰(zhàn)術(shù)也不是感情用事。這是我們最堅(jiān)定的選擇——在批評(píng)聲中贏得信任，在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。如果遵循這樣的承諾，我們將會(huì)享有共同的成就。

美國(guó)有強(qiáng)大的國(guó)力作后盾，將會(huì)勇往直前。

在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期，我們的人民在困難面前表現(xiàn)得無比英勇，克服我們共同的困難體現(xiàn)了我們共同的優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)?，F(xiàn)在，我們正面臨著選擇，如果我們作出正確的選擇，祖輩一定會(huì)激勵(lì)我們;如果我們的選擇是錯(cuò)誤的，祖輩會(huì)譴責(zé)我們的。上帝正眷顧著這個(gè)國(guó)家，我們必須顯示出我們的勇氣，敢于面對(duì)問題，而不是將它們遺留給我們的后代。

我們要共同努力，健全美國(guó)的學(xué)校教育，不能讓無知和冷漠吞噬更多年輕的生命。

我們要改革社會(huì)醫(yī)療和保險(xiǎn)制度，在力所能及的范圍內(nèi)拯救我們的孩子。我們要減低稅收，恢復(fù)經(jīng)濟(jì)，酬勞辛勤工作的美國(guó)人民。

我們要防患于未然，懈怠會(huì)帶來麻煩。

我們還要阻止武器泛濫，使新的世紀(jì)擺脫恐怖的威脅。

反對(duì)自由和反對(duì)我們國(guó)家的人應(yīng)該明白：美國(guó)仍將積極參與國(guó)際事務(wù)，力求世界力量的均衡，讓自由的力量遍及全球。這是歷史的選擇。我們會(huì)保護(hù)我們的盟國(guó)，捍衛(wèi)我們的利益。我們將謙遜地向世界人民展示我們的目標(biāo)。我們將堅(jiān)決反擊各種侵略和不守信用的行徑。我們要向全世界宣傳孕育了我們偉大民族的價(jià)值觀。

正處在鼎盛時(shí)期的美國(guó)并不缺乏同情心。當(dāng)我們靜心思考，我們就會(huì)明白根深蒂固的貧窮根本不值得我國(guó)作出承諾。

無論我們?nèi)绾慰创毟F的原因，我們都必須承認(rèn)孩子敢于冒險(xiǎn)不等于在犯錯(cuò)誤。放縱與濫用都為上帝所不容。這些都是缺乏愛的結(jié)果。

監(jiān)獄數(shù)量的增長(zhǎng)雖然看起來是有必要的，但并不能代替我們心中的希望——人人遵紀(jì)守法。

哪里有痛苦，我們的義務(wù)就在哪里。對(duì)我們來說，需要幫助的美國(guó)人不是陌生人，而是我們的公民;不是負(fù)擔(dān)，而是急需救助的對(duì)象。當(dāng)有人陷入絕望時(shí)，我們大家都會(huì)因此變得渺小。

對(duì)公共安全和大眾健康，對(duì)民權(quán)和學(xué)校教育，政府都應(yīng)負(fù)有極大的責(zé)任。然而，同情心不只是政府的職責(zé)，更是整個(gè)國(guó)家的義務(wù)。

有些需要是如此的迫切，有些傷痕是如此的深刻，只有導(dǎo)師的愛撫、牧師的祈禱才能有所感觸。不論是教堂還是慈善機(jī)構(gòu)、猶太會(huì)堂還是清真寺，都賦予了我們的社會(huì)它們特有的人性，因此它們理應(yīng)在我們的建設(shè)和法律上受到尊重。

我們國(guó)家的許多人都不知道貧窮的痛苦。但我們可以聽到那些感觸頗深的人們的傾訴。

我發(fā)誓我們的國(guó)家要達(dá)到一種境界：當(dāng)我們看見受傷的行人倒在遠(yuǎn)行的路上時(shí)，我們決不會(huì)袖手旁觀。

正處于鼎盛期的美國(guó)重視并期待每個(gè)人擔(dān)負(fù)起自己的責(zé)任。

鼓勵(lì)人們勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任不是讓人們充當(dāng)替罪羊，而是對(duì)人的良知的呼喚。雖然承擔(dān)責(zé)任意味著犧牲個(gè)人利益，但是你能從中體會(huì)到一種更加深刻的成就感。

我們實(shí)現(xiàn)人生的完整不單是通過擺在我們面前的選擇，而且是通過我們的實(shí)踐來實(shí)現(xiàn)。我們知道通過對(duì)整個(gè)社會(huì)和我們的孩子們盡我們的義務(wù)，我們將得到最終的自由。

我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨(dú)立的個(gè)性;依賴于我們的公民義務(wù)、家庭紐帶和基本的公正;依賴于我們無數(shù)默默無聞?wù)x的行為，正是它們指引我們走向自由。

在生活中，有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但是，正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言，每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個(gè)民主制度最重要的任務(wù)是由每一個(gè)人來完成的。

我為人處事的原則是：堅(jiān)信自己而不強(qiáng)加于人，為公眾的利益勇往直前，追求正義而不乏同情心，勇?lián)?zé)任而決不推卸。

我要通過這一切，用我們歷史上的傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀來哺育我們的時(shí)代。

你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個(gè)人享受而忽略公眾的利益;要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施，使其不會(huì)輕易被攻擊;要從身邊小事做起，為我們的國(guó)家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民，而不是旁觀者，更不是臣民。你們應(yīng)成為有責(zé)任心的公民，共同來建設(shè)一個(gè)互幫互助的社會(huì)和有特色的國(guó)家。

美國(guó)人民慷慨、強(qiáng)大、正義，這并非因?yàn)槲覀冃湃巫约?，而是因?yàn)槲覀儞碛谐阶约旱男拍?。一旦這種公民精神喪失了，無論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出現(xiàn)了，無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。

在《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后，弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰·佩齊曾給托馬斯·杰弗遜寫信說：“我們知道身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽，力量強(qiáng)大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎?”

杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個(gè)年代離我們已經(jīng)很遠(yuǎn)了，時(shí)光飛逝，美國(guó)發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點(diǎn)他肯定能夠預(yù)知，即我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的主題仍然是：我們國(guó)家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴(yán)的純樸夢(mèng)想。

我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者，是作者杰斐遜本人的偉大理想穿越時(shí)空，并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實(shí)。我們大家正在通過自身的努力履行著各自的職責(zé)。

帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念，今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo)：使我們的國(guó)家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去驗(yàn)證我們每個(gè)人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。

這項(xiàng)工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會(huì)駕馭我們航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家!愿上帝保佑美國(guó)!