美國通常自認(rèn)是一個(gè)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)國家——大多數(shù)人過著只能算是舒適的生活,既不太富,也不會(huì)太窮。
That notion has come under siege lately. Incomeinequality has been rising since the early 1980s,and the median household income is now lower thanit was in 1999. The status of the middle class hasbecome a highly charged political issue.Nonetheless, a sober look at the trends of recent years reveals some reason for optimism:Pathways that already exist offer some chance of rejuvenating the middle class.
這種觀點(diǎn)近來受到很多質(zhì)疑。收入差距從上世紀(jì)80年代以來一直在拉大,家庭收入中位數(shù)已經(jīng)低于1999年的水平。中產(chǎn)階級(jí)地位成為極度敏感的政治問題。然而,冷靜下來看一看近年的趨勢(shì),我們?nèi)匀挥欣碛杀3謽酚^:一些已有的途徑,給中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的再度崛起帶來了機(jī)會(huì)。
The weakness of recent middle-class wage growth has stemmed from a number of factors,including foreign competition, technological changes that favor highly skilled workers andpersistent poverty. Let’s consider each in turn.
近年中產(chǎn)階級(jí)薪資增長的乏力源于多個(gè)因素,包括外國競(jìng)爭(zhēng),有利于高技能工人的科技變革,以及揮之不去的貧困問題。下面我們就逐一分析一下。
Much of the competition for American manufacturing has come from China, and recentresearch has shown that China’s economic impact in the United States has been bigger thanmany economists initially thought, and in some ways, it has been more painful. China’smanufacturing has held down American middle-class wages, while soaring Chinese demand forcommodities has pushed up resource prices. Of course, cheap Chinese imports have madeAmerican paychecks go further, but that is no consolation for people who have lost their jobsor suffered lower wages as a consequence.
美國制造業(yè)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)主要來自中國,近來的研究顯示,中國經(jīng)濟(jì)對(duì)美國的影響要比許多經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家原本估計(jì)的更大,從某些方面來看,也更痛苦。中國制造制約了美國中產(chǎn)階級(jí)薪資,而中國的大宗商品需求也推高了資源價(jià)格。當(dāng)然,廉價(jià)的中國進(jìn)口商品讓美國人的薪水可以買到更多的東西,但這不會(huì)讓那些因此失業(yè)或薪資下降的人好受些。
Better times may be ahead, though. Higher wages in China — and other emerging nations —are now limiting the competitive advantage of those economies. And perhaps more importantfor Americans, as China reaches technological maturity, it is likely to shower innovations onconsumers, creating a net gain for people in the United States.
不過接下來情況可能會(huì)有好轉(zhuǎn)。中國及其他新興國家的薪資上漲,限制了這些經(jīng)濟(jì)體的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì)。而對(duì)美國人來說,更重要的可能是隨著中國走向技術(shù)成熟,會(huì)給消費(fèi)者帶來鋪天蓋地的創(chuàng)新,為生活在美國的人創(chuàng)造凈收益。
China is already the major producer of solar panels and electric cars, for example. It is likely tocontribute important innovations in consumer drones and driverless cars and in many otherfields: The Chinese government is pouring immense resources into biotechnology, includingnew gene editing techniques. When it comes to mobile apps, messaging and electronicpayments, China is arguably ahead of America. Imagine a future in which Chinese innovationsbenefit Americans just as the United States benefited Europe and vice versa.
例如,中國已經(jīng)是最大的太陽能組件和電動(dòng)汽車生產(chǎn)國。它還可能給民用無人機(jī)、無人駕駛汽車以及其他許多領(lǐng)域帶來重要的創(chuàng)新:中國政府向生物技術(shù)領(lǐng)域投入了巨量資源,包括新的基因編輯技術(shù)。在移動(dòng)應(yīng)用、即時(shí)通信和電子支付方面,中國可以說已經(jīng)超過美國??梢韵胂笤趯?,中國創(chuàng)新給美國人帶來的益處,將不亞于美國和歐洲之間的那種互惠。
This would mean more competition from China, of course, and lost jobs in some fields, but tosimply focus on the negatives would be shortsighted. The reality is that innovators do notcapture all or even most of the benefits they bring to the world. Once an idea emerges, itsbenefits begin to expand, and those benefits will surely spread to the United States.
當(dāng)然,這意味著更多來自中國的競(jìng)爭(zhēng),某些領(lǐng)域會(huì)有失業(yè),但死盯著負(fù)面因素是缺乏遠(yuǎn)見的。事實(shí)上,創(chuàng)新者給世界帶來的益處不會(huì)被他獨(dú)攬,甚至大部分都談不上。一種理念一旦產(chǎn)生,其益處就會(huì)擴(kuò)散出去,當(dāng)然也會(huì)惠及美國。
What economists call skill-based technical change may also shift in a more egalitariandirection. The advent of information technology increased the value of workers and managerswho could manipulate these new talents effectively, while smart software eliminated the jobsof many travel agents and paper-filing clerks. But consider a universe in which all it takes towork with a computer is to talk to it. That could lower the wages of technicians, while opening anew world where less skilled laborers could work with information technology effectively.
經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家所說的“基于技能的技術(shù)變革”還會(huì)帶來一種平等主義的趨向。信息技術(shù)的到來,給那些能有效掌握這些新才能的工人和管理人帶來升值,與此同時(shí),智能軟件會(huì)淘汰許多旅行社和文員的工作崗位。但是,設(shè)想你生活在一個(gè)只需跟電腦說話就可以工作的世界。這會(huì)降低技術(shù)員的薪資,但同時(shí)也會(huì)開啟一個(gè)新世界,技能水平低的工人也可以有效地使用信息技術(shù)來工作。
That new world is already emerging. Consider the Amazon Echo, a small stationary computerthat responds to voice commands. It can play music, call a car service or build a shopping list.Imagine fully functional voice-activated computers created for the workplace as more peoplegrow up with information technology at their fingertips.
這樣的新世界已經(jīng)在浮現(xiàn)。以Amazon Echo為例,這是一種可接受語音指令的小型固定電腦。它可以播放音樂、叫車、創(chuàng)建購物清單。隨著越來越多的人在普及了信息技術(shù)的環(huán)境中長大,設(shè)想在工作場(chǎng)所有這樣一臺(tái)全功能語音激活電腦會(huì)是怎樣一番景象。
Finally, income inequality may begin to reverse itself through the evolution of social norms.Poor people who see no way out of their plight won’t all be able to advance without outside help,but some of the impoverished will succeed despite the barriers they face.
最后,社會(huì)規(guī)范的演化也可能扭轉(zhuǎn)收入不平等的趨勢(shì)。在困境中四面碰壁的窮人,勢(shì)必需要外部力量的幫助,然而還是有一些貧困者可以沖破隔閡取得成功。
Religions and social movements with strong moral codes may be able to help improve lifeprospects. It is striking, for example, that Utah fits the economic profile of an older, moremiddle-class-oriented America. The reasons for this are complex, but they may stem in partfrom the large number of Mormons in the state.
因循嚴(yán)苛道德準(zhǔn)則的宗教和社會(huì)運(yùn)動(dòng)可能有助于改善生活前景。比如我們驚訝地看到,猶他州的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況,是符合一種老派的、更具中產(chǎn)階級(jí)導(dǎo)向的美國形象的。原因很復(fù)雜,但可能在一定程度上源于該州有眾多摩門教徒。
Mormons have done relatively well in economic terms, perhaps, at least in part, because theirreligious culture encourages behavior consistent with prosperity, such as savings, mutualassistance, family values and no drug and alcohol abuse.
摩門教徒在經(jīng)濟(jì)上的表現(xiàn)相對(duì)良好,在一定程度上可能是因?yàn)樗麄兊淖诮涛幕膭?lì)那些與富足生活相一致行為,比如儲(chǔ)蓄、互助、家庭價(jià)值、不濫用藥物和酒精。
I am not a Mormon and am not advocating that religion or any other. But it seems reasonableto observe that changing social norms, sometimes associated with religion, can help improveliving standards.
我不是摩門教徒,也沒有在倡導(dǎo)這種或其他任何一種宗教。然而這似乎是一個(gè)合理的觀察——社會(huì)規(guī)范的改變有助于提高生活水平,而有時(shí)候這種改變和宗教有關(guān)。
All of these mechanisms involve some degree of speculation, and the speed at which they willdevelop will vary. Still, these processes can already be found around us to a limited degree.Furthermore, all of them could happen without requiring any major change in American publicpolicy and thus they could bypass possible government gridlock.
這些機(jī)制都包含了一定程度的猜測(cè),它們的發(fā)展也將是快慢不一的。然而我們已經(jīng)可以在身邊看到些許跡象。此外,所有這些進(jìn)程都不需要美國做出任何重大公共政策改變,一旦政府陷入僵持,它也不會(huì)受到制約。
Most people agree there is plenty of unfairness built into the current political system, such asbad public policies, which often favor the well-off and erect barriers to the advancement ofpoorer and less educated individuals. How to change these policies will no doubt continue to bea matter of political debate.
多數(shù)人認(rèn)為現(xiàn)行政治制度存在許多先天的不公,例如糟糕的公共政策往往讓富人受益,給較貧困、教育程度較低的人制造障礙,阻止他們提升自己。這些政策該如何去改變,無疑仍將是一個(gè)政治辯題。
But there is reason to believe that when inequality trends start to run in reverse — wheneverthat might be — it will be because of processes that are operating largely outside of politics.Technology, trade and even religion may help restore prosperity to the middle class.
但我們有理由相信,不平等趨勢(shì)的逆轉(zhuǎn)——不管究竟什么時(shí)候出現(xiàn)——將源自一些基本上在政治之外運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)的進(jìn)程。技術(shù)、貿(mào)易甚至宗教都可能幫助中產(chǎn)階級(jí)重新過上富足的生活。