奧巴馬于2007年接受總統(tǒng)候選人提名時(shí)的演講
奧巴馬在科羅拉多州丹佛一個(gè)能容納七萬五千人的體育場(chǎng)內(nèi)發(fā)表演講時(shí)說，布什政府過去八年的失敗政策和國(guó)內(nèi)黨派斗爭(zhēng)導(dǎo)致百姓生活水平下降。因此，他向民主黨人、共和黨人和獨(dú)立派人士發(fā)出呼吁，采取變革措施，在二十一世紀(jì)“使美國(guó)的希望不滅”。
奧巴馬隨即向共和黨競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手、亞利桑那州聯(lián)邦參議員麥凱恩發(fā)出挑戰(zhàn)。奧巴馬說，麥凱恩在國(guó)會(huì)經(jīng)常支持布什政府的政策，這足以使人對(duì)他的判斷能力產(chǎn)生懷疑。此外，他還批評(píng)麥凱恩不了解美國(guó)民眾所關(guān)注的醫(yī)療保健、教育和經(jīng)濟(jì)等問題。
奧巴馬在演講中重申，要對(duì)工薪家庭采取減稅政策，通過發(fā)展可替代能源實(shí)現(xiàn)能源自給，為青少年提供世界一流水平的教育，并實(shí)現(xiàn)全民享有在其支付能力范圍內(nèi)的醫(yī)療保健服務(wù)。
針對(duì)麥凱恩批評(píng)他外交和國(guó)防經(jīng)驗(yàn)不足，奧巴馬說，民主黨在羅斯福和肯尼迪擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)時(shí)代的外交表現(xiàn)已經(jīng)證實(shí)，該黨具備處理這些事務(wù)的能力。
奧巴馬還批評(píng)布什政府的外交政策讓美國(guó)民主黨和共和黨幾代人的努力“付之東流”。他說，民主黨要挽回這些“遺產(chǎn)”，負(fù)責(zé)任地結(jié)束伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，完成針對(duì)阿富汗塔利班和“基地”組織的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，阻止伊朗獲得核武器，建立新的伙伴關(guān)系以應(yīng)對(duì)美國(guó)在二十一世紀(jì)面臨的威脅。
奧巴馬于2007年接受總統(tǒng)候選人提名時(shí)的演講
To Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation.
With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.
Let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest—a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours—Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next vice-president of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.
To the love of my life, our next first lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia—I love you so much, and I'm so proud of all of you.
Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story—of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren’t well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.
It is that promise that has always set this country apart—that through hard work and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.
That’s why I stand here tonight. Because for 232 years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women,—students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors—found the courage to keep it alive.
We meet at one of those defining moments—a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil and the American promise has been threatened once more.
Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can’t afford to drive, credit card bills you can’t afford to pay and tuition that’s beyond your reach. These challenges are not all of government’s making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.
America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.
This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.
This country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he’s worked on for 20 years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.
We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.
Tonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land—enough! This moment—this election—is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: “Eight is enough.”
Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we’ll also hear about those occasions when he’s broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.
But the record’s clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush 90% of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than 90% of the time? I don’t know about you, but I’m not ready to take a 10% chance on change.
The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives—on healthcare and education and the economy—Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made "great progress" under this president. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisers—the man who wrote his economic plan—was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a “mental recession,”and that we’ve become, and I quote, “a nation of whiners”.
A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.
Now, I don’t believe that Senator McCain doesn’t care what’s going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn’t know. Why else would he define middle class as someone making under $5m a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a healthcare plan that would actually tax people’s benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize social security and gamble your retirement?
It’s not because John McCain doesn’t care. It’s because John McCain doesn’t get it.
For over two decades, he’s subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy—give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is—you’re on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No healthcare? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps—even if you don’t have boots. You’re on your own.
Well it’s time for them to own their failure. It’s time for us to change America.
You see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.
We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23m new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was president—when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.
We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job—an economy that honors the dignity of work.
The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great—a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.
Because in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton’s Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.
In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.
When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the south side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.
And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She’s the one who taught me about hard work. She’s the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she’s watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.
I don’t know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as president of the United States.
What is that promise?
It’s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.
It’s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.
Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves—protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.
Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who’s willing to work.
That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.
That’s the promise we need to keep. That’s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.
Change means a tax code that doesn’t reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.
Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.
I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.
I will cut taxes—cut taxes—for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as president: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.
Washington’s been talking about our oil addiction for the last 30 years, and John McCain has been there for 26 of them. In that time, he’s said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.
Now is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.
As president, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I’ll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I’ll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I’ll invest $150bn dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy—wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and 5m new jobs that pay well and can’t ever be outsourced.
America, now is not the time for small plans.
Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy. Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don’t have that chance. I’ll invest in early childhood education. I’ll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I’ll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American—if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.
Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible healthcare for every single American. If you have healthcare, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don’t, you’ll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.
Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.
Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect social security for future generations.
And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day’s work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.
Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I’ve laid out how I’ll pay for every dime—by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don’t help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less—because we cannot meet 21st-century challenges with a 20th-century bureaucracy.
And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America’s promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F Kennedy called our "intellectual and moral strength". Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programmes alone can’t replace parents; that government can’t turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.
Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility—that’s the essence of America’s promise.
And just as we keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America’s promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next commander-in-chief, that’s a debate I’m ready to have.
For while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just "muddle through" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he’ll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell—but he won’t even go to the cave where he lives.
And today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we’re wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war. That’s not the judgment we need. That won’t keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.
You don’t defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don’t protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can’t truly stand up for Georgia when you’ve strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice—but it is not the change we need.
We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don’t tell me that Democrats won’t defend this country. Don’t tell me that Democrats won’t keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans—Democrats and Republicans—have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.
As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm’s way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.
I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future. These are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.
But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other’s character and patriotism.
The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America—they have served the United States of America.
So I’ve got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.
America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can’t just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose—our sense of higher purpose. And that’s what we have to restore.
We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don’t tell me we can’t uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don’t know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America’s promise—the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.
I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that’s to be expected. Because if you don’t have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don’t have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.
You make a big election about small things. And you know what—it’s worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn’t work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it’s best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know. I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don’t fit the typical pedigree, and I haven’t spent my career in the halls of Washington.
But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don’t understand is that this election has never been about me. It’s been about you. For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us—that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn’t come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it—because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.
America, this is one of those moments.
I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I’ve seen it. Because I’ve lived it. I’ve seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I’ve seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.
And I’ve seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they’d pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I’ve seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.
This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that’s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that’s not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that’s not what keeps the world coming to our shores. Instead, it is that American spirit—that American promise—that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend. That promise is our greatest inheritance. It’s a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours—a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.
And it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln’s Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream. The men and women who gathered there could’ve heard many things. They could’ve heard words of anger and discord. They could’ve been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred. But what the people heard instead—people of every creed and color, from every walk of life—is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.
"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."
America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise—that American promise—and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.
Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America.
首先，向迪恩主席，我的好友迪克·德賓，以及我們這個(gè)偉大國(guó)家的同胞們致意。(注：霍華德·迪恩是奧巴馬所在的美國(guó)民主黨全國(guó)委員會(huì)主席;迪克·德賓是美國(guó)參議院中的民主黨二號(hào)人物。)
懷著深深的感激與謙恭，我接受你們的提名，成為美國(guó)總統(tǒng)候選人。
首先讓我感謝伴隨我走過初選那段征程的候選人們，特別是走得最遠(yuǎn)的那一位——為工薪階層的美國(guó)人奮爭(zhēng)，為你我的女兒們帶來激勵(lì)的候選人——希拉里·羅德姆·克林頓。感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)，昨晚他的演講對(duì)美國(guó)需要變革的闡述無以倫比。感謝泰德·肯尼迪，感謝他的奉獻(xiàn)精神。當(dāng)然還有我們的下任美國(guó)副總統(tǒng)喬·拜登，謝謝你。有這樣一位我們這個(gè)時(shí)代最優(yōu)秀的政治家伴隨我走完最后這段競(jìng)選之旅是我的福氣。拜登平易近人，從對(duì)其他國(guó)家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，到他每晚乘火車下班回家遇到的售票員都是同樣的。
我還要感謝我的妻子，我們的下一任第一夫人，米歇爾·奧巴馬，以及薩沙和瑪麗亞，我深愛你們，你們是我的驕傲。
四年前面對(duì)你們，我講述了自己的故事——故事起始于一對(duì)分別來自肯尼亞和(美國(guó))堪薩斯州青年夫婦的短暫結(jié)合。(注：這里指奧巴馬的父母。奧巴馬的父親來自肯尼亞，曾在美國(guó)留學(xué);母親是美國(guó)堪薩斯州人。)他們并不富裕、默默無聞，但他們有這樣一個(gè)共同的信念，那就是在美國(guó)，他們的兒子不管有什么樣的理想，都有可能實(shí)現(xiàn)。
正是這個(gè)美國(guó)的承諾，讓我們的國(guó)家與眾不同——通過努力和犧牲，我們每個(gè)人都能夠追求個(gè)人的夢(mèng)想，但同時(shí)又組成美國(guó)這個(gè)大家庭。并且讓我們的下一代也可以追求他們的夢(mèng)想。
這就是為什么今晚我會(huì)站在這里。因?yàn)樵谶^去的二百三十二年間，每當(dāng)這個(gè)美國(guó)的承諾遇到挑戰(zhàn)之時(shí)，普普通通的男女——學(xué)生、戰(zhàn)士、農(nóng)民、教師、護(hù)士和勤雜工，都展現(xiàn)出他們的勇氣來保衛(wèi)它。
我們正處在這樣一個(gè)時(shí)刻——在這一時(shí)刻，我們的國(guó)家處于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之中，經(jīng)濟(jì)一團(tuán)亂麻，美國(guó)的承諾又一次遇到挑戰(zhàn)。
今夜，從未有這么多的美國(guó)人在忍受失業(yè)，他們工作更辛苦，掙的卻更少。如此多的家庭失去他們的住所，更多的人則眼睜睜看著他們的房子貶值。更多的人有車卻開不起，信用卡賬單難以支付，孩子的學(xué)費(fèi)高到無法承受。不能說這些問題都是政府的責(zé)任。但不能有效地解決這些問題，卻實(shí)實(shí)在在是華盛頓的政府與喬治·W·布什政策的失敗。
美國(guó)，我們的人民應(yīng)當(dāng)比這過去的八年過得更好。我們不該是這樣的國(guó)家。
在俄亥俄，一位一生努力工作即將退休的婦女發(fā)現(xiàn)一場(chǎng)突如其來的疾病讓她陷入絕境。我們的國(guó)家不該這樣!
在印第安納，一位工人把和他相伴了二十年的機(jī)器設(shè)備打包運(yùn)往中國(guó)，在向家人解釋這一切時(shí)，他為自己的失敗泣不成聲。我們的國(guó)家難道不該對(duì)我們的人民更慷慨!
老兵們流落街頭，他們的家庭陷入困頓。而一座美國(guó)的重要城市眼睜睜地被洪水吞沒。我們的政府難道不應(yīng)當(dāng)對(duì)此更有同情心!
今晚，我對(duì)美國(guó)人民、對(duì)民主黨、共和黨和無黨派人士，對(duì)我們這個(gè)偉大國(guó)家的所有人說，夠了!這一時(shí)刻，這次大選，是決定在二十一世紀(jì)我們是否仍能信守美國(guó)承諾的機(jī)會(huì)。因?yàn)橄轮?，那個(gè)帶給你們兩屆喬治·布什和迪克·切尼的共和黨，想要帶給這個(gè)國(guó)家第三屆同樣的貨色!(注：之后的一周將是共和黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì))今天我們聚集在這里，是因?yàn)槲覀儫釔圻@個(gè)國(guó)家，我們不愿意讓過去的八年再上演四年。當(dāng)十一月四日(注：大選投票之日)到來時(shí)，我們必須站起來說：“八年已經(jīng)夠了。”
毫無疑問，共和黨提名的總統(tǒng)候選人約翰·麥凱恩曾經(jīng)為了我們的國(guó)家身著軍裝。他的勇敢和出色表現(xiàn)應(yīng)當(dāng)贏得我們的感激和尊重。而下周，我們還將聽到他幾次與共和黨分道揚(yáng)鑣的陳述，讓我們相信他會(huì)給我們帶來這個(gè)國(guó)家所需要的改變。
但是，過去的記錄清晰地表明：約翰·麥凱恩90%的時(shí)候都支持喬治·布什的觀點(diǎn)。麥凱恩參議員喜歡談?wù)撆袛嗔?，但是說真的，當(dāng)你認(rèn)為喬治·布什90%的時(shí)候都是正確的，這個(gè)時(shí)候你還有什么判斷力可言?我不知道別人怎么想，但我不打算依靠這10%的改變幾率。
事實(shí)是，在討論我們所面對(duì)的重要問題時(shí)——從醫(yī)療到教育再到我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)——麥凱恩參議員都沒有表達(dá)出他的獨(dú)立觀點(diǎn)。他說我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)在過去八年中取得了“巨大的發(fā)展”。他說經(jīng)濟(jì)的基礎(chǔ)非常穩(wěn)固。麥凱恩參議員的首席經(jīng)濟(jì)顧問——他為麥凱恩參議員撰寫了經(jīng)濟(jì)規(guī)劃——談到美國(guó)人的焦慮感時(shí)說道，我們的國(guó)家正在經(jīng)歷一場(chǎng)“精神上的衰退”，我們已經(jīng)變成了，我引用他的原話，“一個(gè)充滿抱怨者的國(guó)家”。
一個(gè)充滿抱怨者的國(guó)家?當(dāng)密歇根州工廠自豪的汽車工人們發(fā)現(xiàn)工廠即將關(guān)閉，但仍然一如既往的堅(jiān)持工作，只因?yàn)橛腥诵枰麄兩a(chǎn)的剎車盤時(shí)，我們聽到抱怨了嗎?當(dāng)一位軍人的丈夫或妻子在自己的愛人又要離開家，去執(zhí)行第三次、第四次甚至是第五次任務(wù)時(shí)，默默地?fù)?dān)起了家庭的重?fù)?dān)，我們聽到抱怨了嗎?他們都沒有抱怨。他們?nèi)匀慌ぷ?，仍然熱愛生活，毫無怨言。這才是我所知道的美國(guó)人。
我不相信麥凱恩參議員不關(guān)心美國(guó)人的生活，我想他只是不知道。否則他怎么會(huì)將中產(chǎn)階級(jí)定義為年收入少于500萬美元的人呢?否則他怎么會(huì)提出上千億美元的針對(duì)大企業(yè)和石油公司的減稅計(jì)劃，卻不肯為超過一億的普通美國(guó)大眾減免哪怕只是一分錢?否則他怎么會(huì)提出實(shí)際加重了人民負(fù)擔(dān)的醫(yī)療政策?怎么會(huì)提出對(duì)美國(guó)家庭毫無幫助的教育政策?怎么會(huì)提出社會(huì)保障的私人賬戶計(jì)劃，這不是拿你的退休金賭博嗎?
約翰·麥凱恩不是不關(guān)心，而是根本不知道。
過去的二十多年里，他一直秉承著那種陳舊、迂腐的共和黨哲學(xué)——讓美國(guó)人擁有更多的資產(chǎn)，這樣每個(gè)人就可以擔(dān)負(fù)自己的福利。在華盛頓，他們稱之為“所有者社會(huì)”，但這種哲學(xué)背后的意思是——你只能靠你自己了。失業(yè)?你運(yùn)氣不好。沒有醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)?自己去買吧。生在窮人家?你只能白手起家——即你一無所有。一切都得靠你自己。
現(xiàn)在，是時(shí)候讓他們品嘗自己的失敗了。讓我們來改變美國(guó)。
大家都知道，我們民主黨用另外一種完全不同的方法來衡量這個(gè)國(guó)家的發(fā)展。
我們判斷國(guó)家是否發(fā)展，要看有多少人能夠找到工作來支付貸款;要看你是否可以每月存下一點(diǎn)錢為了你的孩子將來可以去讀大學(xué)。判斷國(guó)家是否發(fā)展，要看比爾·克林頓總統(tǒng)在任期間新創(chuàng)造的兩千三百萬個(gè)工作機(jī)會(huì)和美國(guó)家庭平均收入上升了7500美元，而不是喬治·布什時(shí)期的下降2000美元。
我們判斷我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力并不是看億萬富翁的數(shù)目，或者財(cái)富五百?gòu)?qiáng)企業(yè)的利潤(rùn)，而是要看一個(gè)擁有非凡創(chuàng)意的人能否開創(chuàng)自己的事業(yè)，或者一個(gè)靠小費(fèi)生活的服務(wù)員能不能請(qǐng)一天假去照顧生病的孩子而不會(huì)丟掉她的工作——我們需要一個(gè)崇尚工作尊嚴(yán)的經(jīng)濟(jì)體系。
我們用來衡量經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力的基本原則是，我們是否真正踐行了那些讓國(guó)家變得更偉大的承諾——這也是我今晚站在這個(gè)臺(tái)上的唯一原因。
因?yàn)樵谀切囊晾撕桶⒏缓箽w來的年輕的退伍軍人的臉上，我看到了我祖父的影子。珍珠港事件后他加入了軍隊(duì)，并在巴頓將軍的部隊(duì)中服役，依靠“美國(guó)退役軍人權(quán)利法案”，他才有機(jī)會(huì)接受大學(xué)教育。
看到那些努力學(xué)習(xí)至深夜的年輕學(xué)生，我想起了我的母親，她在獨(dú)自撫養(yǎng)我和妹妹的同時(shí)還取得了學(xué)位。雖然她曾經(jīng)依靠發(fā)放給窮苦人的食品券度日，卻仍然可以借助學(xué)生貸款和獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金將我們送到這個(gè)國(guó)家最好的學(xué)校去讀書。
當(dāng)我聽到又一位工人告訴我他的工廠倒閉時(shí)，我就想起二十多年前當(dāng)本地的鋼廠關(guān)閉時(shí)，與我并肩作戰(zhàn)的那些人們。
當(dāng)我聽到一位女性告訴我她創(chuàng)業(yè)的艱難時(shí)，我就會(huì)想起我的祖母從秘書到中層管理人員的奮斗歷程，這用了很多年只因?yàn)樗莻€(gè)女性。她教育我要努力奮斗。她把買新車和新衣服的錢省下來，只為了讓我過得更好。她將她的所有都給了我。雖然她不能來現(xiàn)場(chǎng)，但是我知道她一定在看著我，因?yàn)檫@也是屬于她的夜晚。
我不知道約翰·麥凱恩認(rèn)為什么樣的人才是榜樣，但這些就是我的榜樣。他們是我的英雄，他們影響了我，塑造了我。我將代表他們贏得總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選，并且作為美國(guó)的總統(tǒng)去實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的諾言。
那么，我們承諾了什么?
我們承諾每個(gè)人都能自由地過上自己想要的生活，但是我們也有責(zé)任保護(hù)別人的尊嚴(yán)。
我們承諾市場(chǎng)會(huì)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)勤奮和創(chuàng)新并創(chuàng)造增長(zhǎng)，但是企業(yè)應(yīng)當(dāng)履行責(zé)任為美國(guó)人創(chuàng)造工作機(jī)會(huì)，保障工人權(quán)利和遵守規(guī)則。
我們承諾雖然政府不能解決所有的問題，但是可以為我們所有人謀求福利——保護(hù)我們不受傷害，讓每個(gè)孩子都有接受教育的機(jī)會(huì);保證我們喝上清潔的水，保證我們的玩具安全;投資建設(shè)新的學(xué)校，新的道路，支持科技的發(fā)展。
我們的政府應(yīng)該為我們所用，而不是與我們作對(duì)。政府應(yīng)該幫助我們，而不是傷害我們。政府應(yīng)該保證每個(gè)人的機(jī)會(huì)平等，不能袒護(hù)那些有權(quán)或有錢的人，而是保護(hù)每一個(gè)勤奮的美國(guó)人。
這就是美國(guó)的承諾——我們每個(gè)人都要為自己負(fù)責(zé)。但我們也是一個(gè)同甘共苦的整體，我們會(huì)關(guān)愛我們的兄弟姐妹，關(guān)愛每個(gè)人。
這就是我們需要履行的承諾。這就是現(xiàn)在我們所需要的改變。所以，如果我能成為美國(guó)總統(tǒng)，我將準(zhǔn)確詮釋改變世界的真諦。
改變意味著稅法不再有利于立法的政客，而是有利于美國(guó)所有的工人、中小企業(yè)家，這是他們應(yīng)得的。
我不像約翰·麥凱恩，我將停止對(duì)那些將工作機(jī)會(huì)拱手送人的大公司的減稅政策，并將這些優(yōu)惠給予那些在這里，在美國(guó)創(chuàng)造良好工作機(jī)會(huì)的公司。
我將免除中小企業(yè)和初創(chuàng)企業(yè)的資本所得稅，因?yàn)檫@些企業(yè)將是未來高薪、高技術(shù)工作崗位的來源。
我將減稅，為95%的工薪家庭減免稅賦。因?yàn)樵谖覀兊慕?jīng)濟(jì)體系中，不到萬不得已不能對(duì)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)加稅。
并且，為了我們的安全、我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)和我們這個(gè)星球的未來，我將為我的總統(tǒng)任期定下一個(gè)明確的目標(biāo)：十年之內(nèi)，我們將擺脫對(duì)中東的石油依賴。
過去三十年，華盛頓一直在談?wù)撐覀儗?duì)石油的依賴，而約翰·麥凱恩在那里待了二十六年。當(dāng)年，他反對(duì)更高的燃油效率標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，反對(duì)發(fā)展可再生能源，反對(duì)開發(fā)可再生燃料?，F(xiàn)在，我們進(jìn)口的石油是麥凱恩就任參議員時(shí)的三倍之多。
現(xiàn)在，是時(shí)候結(jié)束對(duì)石油的依賴了，并且我們要明白鉆更多的油井不過是權(quán)宜之計(jì)，遠(yuǎn)非一勞永逸。
作為總統(tǒng)，我將鼓勵(lì)開發(fā)天然氣，投資研究潔凈燃煤技術(shù)，發(fā)展安全、可控的核能。我將幫助我們的汽車企業(yè)改良技術(shù)，為美國(guó)生產(chǎn)燃油效率更高的機(jī)動(dòng)車，并且讓美國(guó)人能買得起這些車。未來十年，我將在廉價(jià)的可再生能源領(lǐng)域——風(fēng)能、太陽(yáng)能和新型生物燃料投資1500億美元。這些投資將創(chuàng)造新的產(chǎn)業(yè)并提供500萬個(gè)新的不可外包的高薪工作機(jī)會(huì)。
美國(guó)，現(xiàn)在可不是小家子氣的時(shí)候。
現(xiàn)在，我們需要擔(dān)起責(zé)任，為每個(gè)孩子提供世界一流的教育，因?yàn)檫@在全球經(jīng)濟(jì)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中同樣重要。米歇爾和我今晚之所以能站在這里，正是因?yàn)槲覀兪艿搅私逃?。只要還有孩子不能得到教育機(jī)會(huì)，我就不會(huì)停止腳步。我還將發(fā)展兒童早期教育。我會(huì)招募大量的新教師，給他們高薪，給他們更多的支持，同時(shí)也要求他們提供更高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的教育。我們將堅(jiān)守對(duì)每個(gè)年輕人的承諾——只要你為社會(huì)、為國(guó)家做出貢獻(xiàn)，我們將保證你交得起學(xué)費(fèi)。
我們要實(shí)現(xiàn)為每個(gè)美國(guó)人提供可以負(fù)擔(dān)得起的醫(yī)療保障制度的承諾。如果你有醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)，我的計(jì)劃將減少你的支出。如果你沒有，你可以享受與國(guó)會(huì)議員同樣的醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)。某些人曾親眼看到我的母親在身患癌癥，臥床不起的時(shí)候與保險(xiǎn)公司爭(zhēng)論醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)的金額，我將確保這些公司不再歧視那些最需要保險(xiǎn)的病人。
我們將為每個(gè)美國(guó)人提供享受帶薪病假和事假的機(jī)會(huì)，因?yàn)樵诿绹?guó)，任何人都不應(yīng)在留住工作和照顧生病的孩子或父母之間做出選擇。
我們將改善破產(chǎn)法案，優(yōu)先保證你的退休金而不是CEO的紅利。我們還將為下一代提供更好的社會(huì)保障制度。
我們將保證實(shí)現(xiàn)同工同酬，因?yàn)槲蚁Ｍ业呐畠汉湍愕膬鹤訐碛型瑯拥臋C(jī)會(huì)。
許多計(jì)劃都需要投入，而我將計(jì)劃好我要花出去的每一個(gè)硬幣——堵死公司稅務(wù)漏洞和那些對(duì)美國(guó)的增長(zhǎng)毫無幫助的避稅天堂。我也將逐字逐句地分析聯(lián)邦預(yù)算，停止那些毫無意義的項(xiàng)目，將有限的資源投入到我們更需要的領(lǐng)域中去。我們不能用二十世紀(jì)的官僚體系來應(yīng)對(duì)二十一世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)。
民主黨人，我們必須承認(rèn)實(shí)現(xiàn)承諾需要的不僅僅是錢。它需要我們有更多的責(zé)任感以重獲約翰·F·肯尼迪總統(tǒng)所說的“智力和道德的力量”。不錯(cuò)，實(shí)現(xiàn)能源獨(dú)立是政府的責(zé)任，但是我們每個(gè)人都有責(zé)任在生活和工作中節(jié)約能源。不錯(cuò)，我們需要為那些犯下罪行或者陷入絕望的年輕人提供獲得成功的路徑，但是我們必須承認(rèn)政府的計(jì)劃不可能取代父母的作用。政府不可能關(guān)掉電視，讓孩子去完成家庭作業(yè)，父親必須承擔(dān)更多的責(zé)任，給孩子以必要的關(guān)愛和指導(dǎo)。
個(gè)體責(zé)任和共同責(zé)任——這就是美國(guó)承諾的精髓所在。
正像我們?cè)趪?guó)內(nèi)的承諾一樣，我們要把這些承諾擴(kuò)展到美國(guó)之外的地方。如果約翰·麥凱恩想要就誰更加具有成為下一任總司令的氣質(zhì)和判斷力展開一場(chǎng)辯論，我求之不得。
在“9·11”事件發(fā)生幾天后，麥凱恩參議員開始關(guān)注伊拉克。而我卻站起來反對(duì)這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，我深知這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)移我們的注意力，使我們無法全力應(yīng)對(duì)真正的威脅。約翰·麥凱恩說，我們?cè)诎⒏缓怪荒懿莶萘耸?。而我則主張動(dòng)用更多的資源和兵力來打擊“9·11”事件的真正元兇，打贏這場(chǎng)反恐之戰(zhàn)。我讓人們明白：只要看到奧薩馬·本·拉登和他的助手，就應(yīng)該立刻把他們揪出來。約翰·麥凱恩喜歡說，即便是追到地獄門口，他也要追到本·拉登，但他甚至連本·拉登居住的洞穴都沒去過。
而如今，當(dāng)我發(fā)出的盡早從伊拉克撤兵的呼吁得到了伊拉克政府乃至布什政府的回應(yīng)，當(dāng)我們得知伊拉克擁有790億美元的貿(mào)易順差，而美國(guó)仍在遭遇赤字之后，約翰·麥凱恩仍然一意孤行，固執(zhí)地反對(duì)停止這場(chǎng)錯(cuò)誤的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們需要的不是這樣的判斷。因?yàn)檫@種判斷無法確保美國(guó)的安全。我們需要的是一位能夠直面未來威脅的總統(tǒng)，他不應(yīng)該死抓著昔日的想法不放。
你無法通過占領(lǐng)伊拉克摧毀一支活動(dòng)于八十個(gè)國(guó)家的恐怖組織。你無法單憑在華盛頓發(fā)表的激烈言辭來保護(hù)以色列，遏制伊朗。你無法真正地維護(hù)格魯吉亞的利益，在你拖垮了我們最古老的同盟者之后。如果約翰·麥凱恩想用更激烈的言辭和糟糕的策略來追隨喬治·布什，那是他自己的選擇。但隨之而來的改變，不是我們所需要的。
我們和羅斯福同宗同源。我們和肯尼迪同宗同源。所以，別說民主黨無法捍衛(wèi)這個(gè)國(guó)家。別說民主黨無法確保我們的安全。“布什-麥凱恩”式的外交政策已將世代美國(guó)人(民主黨人和共和黨人)積累的遺產(chǎn)揮霍掉了，而我們正是為恢復(fù)遺產(chǎn)而來。
作為總司令，我將義無反顧地捍衛(wèi)這個(gè)國(guó)家，但是，我只會(huì)出于明確的使命讓我們的軍隊(duì)經(jīng)受戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之苦，同時(shí)，我會(huì)履行神圣的承諾：他們作戰(zhàn)時(shí)，為他們配備必需的物資;他們戰(zhàn)后返家時(shí)，為他們提供應(yīng)有的關(guān)心和福利。
出于責(zé)任我將結(jié)束在伊拉克的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，并擊潰阿富汗的基地組織和塔利班組織。我將重建軍事力量，為未來的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)做好準(zhǔn)備。對(duì)于那種能夠阻止伊朗擁有核武器，遏制俄羅斯侵略的強(qiáng)硬而直接的外交策略，我將對(duì)其進(jìn)行革新。我將建立新的伙伴關(guān)系，以挫敗二十一世紀(jì)的威脅：恐怖主義與核擴(kuò)散，貧困與種族滅絕，氣候改變與疾病。我還要恢復(fù)我們的道德立場(chǎng)，使美國(guó)再次成為向往自由、渴望和平、渴望美好未來的人們最后以及最好的圓夢(mèng)之地。我將追隨這些政策。我期待在幾周之后與約翰·麥凱恩就此展開討論。
然而，我建議麥凱恩參議員不要讓政治目的左右他的觀點(diǎn)。因?yàn)樵谡紊钪?，有一點(diǎn)是我們必須改變的，那就是如果不對(duì)彼此的性格和愛國(guó)心做出挑釁，人們便不會(huì)發(fā)生爭(zhēng)論。
時(shí)間緊迫，黨派之爭(zhēng)帶來的代價(jià)過于高昂。所以，我們要相信愛國(guó)心沒有黨派之分。我愛這個(gè)國(guó)家，你也一樣，約翰·麥凱恩也一樣。在戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上服役的男女同胞，也許是民主黨員，也許是共和黨員，也許是無黨派人士，但是，在同一面驕傲的旗幟下，他們一起戰(zhàn)斗，一起流血，有些人還一起犧牲。他們不為“紅色美國(guó)”服役，也不為“藍(lán)色美國(guó)”服役——他們?yōu)槊览麍?jiān)合眾國(guó)服役。
所以，我來告訴你，約翰·麥凱恩。我們都把國(guó)家放在第一位。
美國(guó)，我們的工作并不輕松。在挑戰(zhàn)面前，我們必須作出艱難的選擇，民主黨同共和黨一樣，需要拋棄陳腐的觀點(diǎn)和過時(shí)的政見。過去八年里我們喪失的部分，僅用損失的工薪和更嚴(yán)重的貿(mào)易逆差是無法衡量的。同樣喪失的還有共同的使命感——我們更高的使命。而這正是我們必須恢復(fù)的。
我們可以不贊成流產(chǎn)，然而毫無疑問，我們會(huì)贊成減少這個(gè)國(guó)家的意外懷孕率。允許持槍，對(duì)俄亥俄州農(nóng)村的獵戶和遭受匪幫暴力威脅的克利夫蘭的人們來說，不是一碼事。但是，別一邊禁止罪犯手拿AK-47步槍，一邊跟我說我們不能支持憲法的第二修正案。我知道同性婚姻會(huì)有所不同，然而毫無疑問，我們會(huì)贊成那些身為同性戀的兄弟姐妹們能夠去醫(yī)院看望他們所愛的人，過上沒有歧視的生活。反對(duì)外來移民的情緒高漲，然而，當(dāng)一位母親與尚在襁褓中的孩子分開時(shí)，當(dāng)雇主通過雇用非法勞工而降低美國(guó)工資水平時(shí)，我不知道有誰能從中獲益。這也在美國(guó)的承諾范圍之內(nèi)——一種民主的承諾，在這種承諾中，我們能夠找到消除分歧、團(tuán)結(jié)民眾的力量與美德。
我知道有人會(huì)摒棄這些信念，把它們看做笑談。他們宣稱我們對(duì)民眾生活中更龐大、更堅(jiān)固和更正直的事物之堅(jiān)持就如同一只特洛伊木馬，只會(huì)導(dǎo)致更高的稅收以及傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值的流失。這是意料中的事。因?yàn)槿绻麤]有任何新鮮的想法，你只能用一些陳腐的戰(zhàn)術(shù)去嚇唬選民。如果手頭沒有一份記錄作為談資，你只能把對(duì)手描述成一個(gè)眾叛親離的人。
你制造了一場(chǎng)關(guān)乎瑣碎小事的大選。而你知道嗎，以前就有過這種做法。因?yàn)樗侨逯髁x(我們都對(duì)政府抱有這種觀點(diǎn))的溫床。當(dāng)華盛頓不起作用時(shí)，它的所有承諾似乎都成了空談。如果你的希望一再被擊碎，那么最好別再抱有希望，接受你已經(jīng)了解的事實(shí)。這一點(diǎn)我懂。我認(rèn)識(shí)到對(duì)于這一職務(wù)，我不是最有希望的候選人。我沒有顯赫的家世，也沒有在華盛頓工作的經(jīng)歷。
然而，今晚我就站在你們面前，因?yàn)檎麄€(gè)美國(guó)都在為某件事而激動(dòng)。反對(duì)者不會(huì)明白，這次選舉自始至終不是關(guān)于我的，而是關(guān)于你們的。十八個(gè)月以來，你們先后站起來，針對(duì)過去的政治活動(dòng)發(fā)表了足夠多的言論。你們知道在這次選舉中，我們最大的冒險(xiǎn)是同樣的老面孔、同樣的老政策能否帶來不一樣的結(jié)果。你們已經(jīng)展示了歷史留給我們的教訓(xùn)，在這決定性的時(shí)刻，我們需要的改變不是“來自”華盛頓，而是“指向”華盛頓。改變因美國(guó)人民的需要而出現(xiàn)——因?yàn)樗麄冋玖顺鰜?，主張新觀念和新領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，新時(shí)代的新政治。
美國(guó)，那樣的時(shí)刻再次來臨。
我堅(jiān)信不管有多么艱難，我們所需的改變正在到來。因?yàn)槲乙呀?jīng)看到它了，因?yàn)槲乙呀?jīng)置身其中。我已經(jīng)在伊利諾伊看到它了，我們?yōu)楦嗟膬和峁┝吮＝?，使更多家庭從依賴福利走向自食其力。我已?jīng)在華盛頓看到它了，我們打破黨派的界線，共同努力令政府廣開言路，使院外游說集團(tuán)對(duì)自己的行為更負(fù)責(zé)任;給予退役軍人更好的待遇;阻止恐怖主義者沾手核武器。
我在這次競(jìng)選中看到了它。它出現(xiàn)于那些初次參與投票的年輕選民中，也出現(xiàn)于那些再次參與投票的老選民中。出現(xiàn)于那些從沒想過會(huì)為民主黨投票，卻給它投了票的共和黨人中。我在那些情愿自己少拿薪水，也不愿看到朋友們失業(yè)的工人身上看到了它;在那些失去肢體仍再次應(yīng)募的士兵身上看到了它;在那些于暴風(fēng)和洪水來襲時(shí)收容陌生人的善良同胞身上看到了它。
我們國(guó)家擁有世界上最多的財(cái)富，然而讓我們富有的并非是財(cái)富。我們擁有世界上最強(qiáng)大的軍事力量，然而讓我們強(qiáng)大的并非軍事力量。我們的大學(xué)和文化受到全世界的羨慕，然而并非它們促使世界各國(guó)的人們登陸美國(guó)。相反，是美國(guó)精神——美國(guó)的承諾促使我們前行，即便前路坎坷;它將我們聯(lián)系到一起，盡管我們有所不同;它讓我們不要只盯著肉眼所能見到的，還要關(guān)注那些看不到的——那目力不及處的美景。那承諾是留給我們的最大的遺產(chǎn)。夜里給女兒掖被子的時(shí)候，我會(huì)向她們說出這個(gè)承諾;你也會(huì)向你的孩子們說出這個(gè)承諾——這個(gè)承諾引領(lǐng)移民者漂洋過海，引領(lǐng)先驅(qū)們挺進(jìn)西部;這個(gè)承諾把工人們領(lǐng)往糾察線，讓女人取得選舉權(quán)。
正是這個(gè)承諾，在四十五年前的今天，把美國(guó)人從這片土地的各個(gè)角落領(lǐng)到一起，在華盛頓的一條林蔭大道上，在林肯紀(jì)念碑前，聆聽一位來自佐治亞州的年輕牧師宣講他的夢(mèng)想。聚集在那里的男男女女們，也許聽到了很多東西。他們也許聽到了憤怒與不和諧的言辭。也許曾有人要求他們，要他們屈從于許多被延遲的夢(mèng)境帶來的恐懼和失敗。然而，事實(shí)與此相反，人們——各種信仰、各種膚色、各行各業(yè)的人們聽到的是——在美國(guó)，我們的命運(yùn)緊緊地連在一起。而我們的夢(mèng)也可以成為一個(gè)共同的夢(mèng)。
“我們不能獨(dú)行，”牧師呼吁道。“在行走時(shí)，我們必須保證一直前行。我們不能回頭。”
美國(guó)，我們不能回頭。有太多的工作等著我們?nèi)ネ瓿?。有太多的孩子需要教育，太多的退役軍人需要關(guān)愛。經(jīng)濟(jì)亟待修復(fù)，城市亟待重建，農(nóng)場(chǎng)亟待拯救。太多的家庭需要保護(hù)，太多人的生活需要改善。美國(guó)，我們不能回頭。我們不能獨(dú)行。在這一時(shí)刻，在這次選舉中，我們必須再一次保證向未來挺進(jìn)。讓我們履行那個(gè)承諾吧——美國(guó)的承諾——正如圣經(jīng)所指引的那樣筆直前行，直到實(shí)現(xiàn)我們內(nèi)心的希望。
感謝你們，上帝保佑你們，上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。
精彩語錄
It’s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.
我們承諾每個(gè)人都能自由地過上自己想要的生活，但是我們也有責(zé)任保護(hù)別人的尊嚴(yán)。
It’s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.
我們承諾市場(chǎng)將會(huì)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)勤奮和創(chuàng)新并創(chuàng)造增長(zhǎng)，但是企業(yè)應(yīng)當(dāng)履行責(zé)任為美國(guó)人創(chuàng)造工作機(jī)會(huì)，保障工人權(quán)利和遵守規(guī)則。
Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves—protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.
我們承諾雖然政府不能解決所有的問題，但是可以為我們所有人謀求福利——保護(hù)我們不受傷害，讓每個(gè)孩子都有接受教育的機(jī)會(huì);保證我們喝上清潔的水，保證我們的玩具安全;投資建設(shè)新的學(xué)校，新的道路，支持科技的發(fā)展。
Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who’s willing to work.
我們的政府應(yīng)該為我們工作，而不是與我們作對(duì)。政府應(yīng)該幫助我們，而不是傷害我們。政府應(yīng)該保證每個(gè)人的機(jī)會(huì)平等，不能袒護(hù)那些有權(quán)或有錢的人，而是保護(hù)每一個(gè)勤奮的美國(guó)人。
That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.
這就是美國(guó)的承諾——我們每個(gè)人都要為自己負(fù)責(zé)。但我們也是一個(gè)同甘共苦的整體，我們會(huì)關(guān)愛我們的兄弟姐妹，關(guān)愛每個(gè)人。
That’s the promise we need to keep. That’s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.
這就是我們需要履行的承諾。這就是現(xiàn)在我們所需要的改變。所以，如果我能成為美國(guó)總統(tǒng)，我將準(zhǔn)確詮釋改變世界的真諦。
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