increased the numbers
and importance of shareholders as a class, an element in national life
representing
irresponsible wealth detached from the land and the duties of the
landowners: and almost
equally detached from the responsible management of business.
[參考譯文]這樣巨大而非個人的對資金和產(chǎn)業(yè)的操縱極大地增加了股東的數(shù)量和他
們作為一個階級的重要性,這是國家生活中代表不負(fù)責(zé)任的財富的一個
因素,這種財富不但遠(yuǎn)離了土地和土地?fù)碛姓叩呢?zé)任,而且?guī)缀跬瑯优c
公司的負(fù)責(zé)任的管理毫無關(guān)系。
22. Towns like Bournemouth and Eastbourne sprang up to house large
"comfortable" classes
who had retired on their incomes, and who had no relation to the rest of
the community
except that of drawing dividends and occasionally attending a
shareholders' meeting to
dictate their orders to the management.
[參考譯文]像伯恩茅斯和伊斯特本這樣的城鎮(zhèn)的涌現(xiàn)是為了給那些數(shù)量很多的"舒
適"階級提供居住場所。這些人依賴于其豐厚收入而不工作,他們除了
分紅和偶爾參加一下股東大會,向管理層口授一下自己的命令之外,跟
社會的其他階層毫無瓜葛。
23. The "shareholders" as such had no knowledge of the lives, thoughts or
needs of the
workmen employed by the company in which he held shares, and his influence
on the
relations of capital and labor was not good.
[參考譯文]這樣的"股東"對他擁有股份的公司所雇用的工人們的生活、思想和需
求一無所知,而且他們對勞資雙方的關(guān)系都不會產(chǎn)生積極的影響。
24. The paid manager acting for the company was in more direct relation
with the men and
their demands, but even he had seldom that familiar personal knowledge of
the workmen
which the employer had often had under the more patriarchal system of the
old family
business now passing away.
[參考譯文]代表公司的花錢雇來的經(jīng)理與工人及其需求的關(guān)系更加直接,但是就連
他對工人們也沒有那種熟識的私人之間的了解。而在現(xiàn)在正在消失的古
老家族公司的那種更加家長式的制度下的雇主們卻常常對他們的工人有
這樣的私人關(guān)系。
25. Among the many shaping factors, I would single out the country's
excellent elementary
schools: a labor force that welcomed the new technology; the practice of
giving premiums
to inventors; and above all the American genius for nonverbal, "spatial"
thinking about
things technological.
[參考譯文]在許多形成因素當(dāng)中,我將挑選出這些:這個國家優(yōu)秀的小學(xué)教育:歡
迎新技術(shù)的勞動者們:獎勵發(fā)明者的做法;而且最重要的是美國人在對
那些技術(shù)性事物的非言語的、"空間性的"思考方面的天賦。
26. As Eugene Ferguson has pointed out, "A technologist thinks about
objects that can not be
reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions: they are dealt with in his
mind by a visual,
nonverbal process...The designer and the inventor.., are able to assemble
and manipulate
in their minds devices that as yet do not exist".
[參考譯文]正如尤金•弗格森所指出的那樣:"一個技術(shù)專家思考那些不能被簡化成
能被清楚的語言描述的東西。這些東西在他的思維中是通過一種視覺的、
非語言表述的過程宋處理的……設(shè)計者和發(fā)明者……能夠在他們的腦中
裝配并操作那些還不存在的裝置。"
27. Robert Fulton once wrote, "The mechanic should sit down among levers,
screws, wedges,
wheel, etc, like a poet among the letters of the alphabet, considering
them as an exhibition
of his thoughts, in which a new arrangement transmits a new idea".
[參考譯文]羅伯特•法歐特曾經(jīng)這樣寫到:"一個技師會坐在杠桿、螺絲釘、楔子、
輪子等等當(dāng)中,就像一個詩人沉浸在字母表的字母中,把這些字母看成
自己思想的展示,在這樣的展示中,每種新的次序安排都傳達(dá)了--種新
的思想。"
28. In the last three chapters, he takes off his gloves and gives the
creationists a good beating.
He describes their programs and, tactics, and, for those unfamiliar with
the ways of
creationists, the extent of their deception and distortion may come as an
unpleasant
surprise.
[參考譯文]在最后三章中,他脫下手套,將神造論者好好地揍了一頓。他描述了他
們的活動和戰(zhàn)術(shù),而且,對于那些對神造論者的做事方式刁;熟悉的人來
說,神造論者的欺騙和扭曲事實(shí)的程度可能會令這些人有一種不快的詫
異。
29. On the dust jacket of this fine book, Stephen Jay Gould says: "This
book stands for reason
itself." And so it does-and all wound be well were reason the only judge
in the
creationism/evolution debate.
[參考譯文]在這本杰出的書的外紙封面上,史蒂芬•杰伊•古爾德寫道:"這本書本
身就代表理性。"而它確實(shí)是這樣的--而且如果理性成為神造論/地化
論之間的辯論中的惟一評判標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的話,一切就都好辦了。 30. After six months of arguing and final 16
hours of hot parliamentary debates, Australia's
Northern Territory became the first legal authority in the world to allow
doctors to take the
lives of incurably ill patients who wish to die.
[參考譯文] 經(jīng)過了六個月的爭論以及最后16個小時激烈的議會辯論,澳大利亞北
部地區(qū)成了世界上第一個允許醫(yī)生終止希望死去的絕癥病人生命的立
法當(dāng)局。
31. Some have breathed sighs of relief, others, including churches,
right-to-life groups and the
Australian Medical Association, bitterly attacked the bill and the haste
of its passage. But
the tide is unlikely to turn back.
[參考譯文]一些機(jī)構(gòu)終于松了一口氣,但是其他一些機(jī)構(gòu),包括教堂,倡導(dǎo)生命之
權(quán)的團(tuán)體和澳大利亞醫(yī)學(xué)協(xié)會,尖銳地抨擊這個法案,指責(zé)法案的通過
過于匆忙。但是大勢已定,不可逆轉(zhuǎn)。
32. In Australia- where an aging population, life-extending technology and
changing
community attitudes have all played their partother states are going to
consider making a
similar law to deal with euthanasia.
[參考譯文]在澳大利亞--人口老齡化,延長壽命的技術(shù)和變化看的社會態(tài)度,這
些因素都在發(fā)揮作用一一其他的州也會考慮制定相似的關(guān)于安樂死的
法律。
33. There are, of course, exceptions. Small--minded officials, rude
waiters, and ill mannered
taxi drivers are hardly unknown in the US. Yet it is an observation made
so frequently that
it deserves comment.
[參考譯文]當(dāng)然,例外是存在的。在美國,心胸狹窄的官員,粗魯?shù)膫髡撸蜎]有
禮貌的出租車司機(jī)也并不少見。然而人們常常得出這樣的觀察意見,這
使得它值得被討論一下。
34. We live in a society in which the medicinal and social use of
substances (drugs) is
pervasive: an aspirin to quiet a headache, some wine to be sociable,
coffee to get going in
the morning, a cigarette for the nerves.
[參考譯文]我們生活在一種藥品(毒品)的醫(yī)學(xué)用途和社會用途都很廣泛的社會里:
一片用來止頭痛的阿斯匹林,一些用來社交的葡萄酒,早上自己提提神
所喝的咖啡,一支用來定神的香煙。
35. Dependence is marked first by an increased tolerance, with more and
more of the substance
required to produce the desired effect, and then by the appearance of
unpleasant withdrawal
symptoms when the substance is discontinued.
[參考譯文]對藥品的依賴性首先表現(xiàn)為不斷增長的耐藥量,要產(chǎn)生想得到的效果所
需要的藥品劑量越來越大,然后表現(xiàn)為當(dāng)停止用藥后,令人不快的停藥
癥狀的出現(xiàn)。
36. "Is this what you intended to accomplish with your careers?" Senator
Robert Dole asked
Time Warner executives last week. "You have sold your souls, but must you
corrupt our
nation and threaten our children as well?"
[參考譯文]上星期參議員羅博特多爾質(zhì)問時代華納公司的高級管理人員們:"難道這
就是你們希望能夠成就的事業(yè)?你們已經(jīng)出賣了自己的靈魂,但是難道
你們還非要腐化我們的國家,威脅我們的孩子們嗎?"
37. "The test of any democratic society, he wrote in a Wall Street Journal
column', "lies not in
how well it can control expression but in whether it gives freedom of
thought and
expression the widest possible latitude, however disputable or irritating
the results may
sometimes be..."
[參考譯文]"對任何一個民主社會的考驗(yàn),"他在《華爾街雜志》的一個專欄文章中
寫到,"不在于它能夠多有效地控制各種意見的表達(dá),而在于這個社會是
否能給予思考和表達(dá)的盡可能廣泛的自由,不管有時候這種結(jié)果是多么
的富有爭議或令人不快…"
38. During the discussion of rock singing verses at last month's
stockholders' meeting, Levin
asserted that "music is not the cause of society's ills" and even cited
his son, a teacher in
the Bronx, New York, who uses rap to communicate with students.
[參考譯文]在-上個月的股東大會上關(guān)于搖滾歌詞的討論中,萊文宣稱說:"音樂不是
社會問題的原因",他甚至還以他的兒子為例。他的兒子是紐約州布朗克
斯的一個教師,并用說唱音樂與學(xué)生們進(jìn)行溝通。
39. Much of the language used to describe monetary policy, such as
"steering the economy to a
soft landing" of "a touch on the brakes" , makes it sound like a precise
science. Nothing
could be further from the truth.
[參考譯文]有很多用于描述貨幣政策的詞匯,例如"輕踩剎車"以"操縱經(jīng)濟(jì)軟著
陸",使貨幣政策聽起來像是一門精確的科學(xué)。沒有什么比這更遠(yuǎn)離實(shí)際
情況的了。
40. Economists have been particularly surprised by favorable inflation
figures in Britain and
the United States, since, conventional measures suggest that both
economies, and especially
America's, have little productive slack.
[參考譯文]經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們對英國和美國的有利的通貨膨脹數(shù)據(jù)尤其感到驚訝,因?yàn)閭?/p>
統(tǒng)的計量方法顯示兩國的經(jīng)濟(jì),特別是美國的經(jīng)濟(jì),幾乎沒有生產(chǎn)蕭條
的時候。
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